scholarly journals Changes in the migration trends from West-Africa to Europe

2020 ◽  
Vol 147 (1–2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariann Vecsey

For a long time, the Central Mediterranean migration route was the most popular among those which went to the European Union from Africa. However, data from 2018 show that the trend is about to turn, and the Western Mediterranean route to Spain is about to become the most popular. Changes in Italy, the entering point to Europe presumably means changes in the African internal routes as well. This article intends to track the reasons which could affect the migratory pattern to the EU. The research focuses on the condition changes along the Central Mediterranean route, from Italy, to Mali. The article aims to sum up both the political and security domains, including the CSDP missions and operation from the southern border of the EU to the heart of West Africa.

Author(s):  
Miklós Böröcz

Povzetek Nezakonite migracije predstavljajo varnostno tveganje za Evropsko unijo, a se s tveganji zunaj Evrope ne moremo učinkovito spopasti brez izgradnje zmogljivosti na mednarodni ravni. Zaradi tega lahko to področje umestimo v okvir SZVP. To stališče so potrdili tudi val nezakonitih priseljencev, ki je Evropo dosegel leta 2015, ter tveganja in posledice nepripravljenosti držav na ravni zagotavljanja nacionalne varnosti. V študiji predstavljamo tri glavne poti nezakonitih migracij, ki so prizadele Evropo. Predstavljene so tudi države, ki so jih priseljenci prečkali ter ukrepi organov EU. V zaključku članka so predlagane morebitne rešitve za nastalo stanje. Ključne besede nezakonite migracije, varnostno tveganje, vzhodnosredozemska pot migracij, osrednjesredozemska pot migracij, zahodnosredozemska pot migracij. Abstract Irregular migration is a security risk for the EU. This risk from outside Europe cannot be dealt with effectively without capacity building at foreign interfaces, so it could be assessed as an area of the former CFSP. This position was supported by the influx of irregular migrants that reached Europe in 2015, and the risks and consequences of unpreparedness for national security. This study presents the three main routes for irregular migrants which affect Europe, the countries they pass through, and the actions of EU bodies. In addition to the discussion, later in the article potential solutions to the issue will be formulated. Key words irregular migration, security risk, Eastern Mediterranean migration route, Central Mediterranean migration route, Western Mediterranean migration route.


2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-54
Author(s):  
Marco Gestri

To face the extraordinary migration crisis and consequent human tragedy in the Mediterranean, the need has emerged to fight human smugglers and traffickers. The European Union (EU) has launched EUNAVFOR MED, a naval crisis management operation aiming to disrupt the business model of human smuggling in the Central Mediterranean. With Resolution 2240 of 9 October 2015, the UN Security Council, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter, authorised the EU operation to undertake “all measures commensurate to the circumstances” in order to visit, seize, and dispose of vessels used by smugglers. The EU operation is currently limited to the high seas, yet its expansion into Libyan waters and territory is envisaged. This article discusses some issues arising from Resolution 2240 and its implementation by the EU, notably from the viewpoint of the international law of the sea, the rules governing the use of force and human rights law. Problems have also emerged as to the prosecution in Italy of the smugglers apprehended on the high seas. It is submitted that a number of issues have not been clarified by the legal texts adopted and that the action of the EU in this field is still ineffective and rather opaque.


Author(s):  
Lucia Zeleňáková ◽  
Jana Žiarovská ◽  
Stanislav Kráčmar ◽  
Ladislav Mura ◽  
Dagmar Kozelová ◽  
...  

The aim of the work was to analyze the changes in the epidemiology of salmonellosis and campylobacteriosis diseases in Slovakia over the past 10 years and evaluate them in the context of epidemiological changes comparing to the EU. Salmonellosis (A020) and campylobacteriosis (A045) belong to the diseases with the highest morbidity in Slovakia. For the period 2001–2010 was reported in Slovakia 109 304 salmonellosis cases in human and 3 327 cases of Salmonella carriage. The five-year EU-trend (2005–2009) showed a statistically significant decrease of salmonellosis disease (with a mean reduction of 12% per year). Campylobacteriosis remains a long time the most frequently reported zoonotic disease in humans in Slovakia as well as in EU. For the period of 2001–2010 25 574 campylobacteriosis cases was reported in Slovakia. Most diseases were reported in 2010 with the number 4 591 (84.63 morbidity/100 000 inhabitants). Increase in morbidity is evident since 2003 with an average annual increase of 22%. We focused on more in-depth epidemiological analysis of salmonellosis and campylobacteriosis cases in Slovak Republic in relation to the infection agens and the outbreak of disease transmission mechanism, age and gender, location and seasonality of disease.


The risks of Italy's withdrawal from the European Union (Italexit) are analyzed. Italy has one of the most powerful economies in the European Union and a great political influence on the processes in the EU. Therefore, the possible exit of this country from the Union could have catastrophic economic and political consequences for the future of European integration. The probability of the threat of the so-called Italexit, which has been discussed by the Italian politicians for a long time, is researched. In addition, the ways and possibilities of avoiding the threat of Italexit, as well as strengthening European solidarity despite the development of disintegration processes in Europe in general and in Italy in particular, are discovered. The probability of Italexit is defined as low, but some negative trends that may increase the risks of Italy's exit from the EU in the future are outlined. The growing sentiments of euroscepticism in Italy and their impact on the country's foreign policy and on relations between Italy and the EU's central institutions in Brussels are observed. The most influential parties of Eurosceptics and right-wing populists and their activities in the Italian parliament and government are considered. The prospects for further activities of Eurosceptic parties and their potential impact on the policy of Italy and the EU are forecasted. It is proved that Italian Eurosceptics are potentially the most dangerous in Europe because of their popularity not only at the national but also at the European level, their ability to unite right-wing radical parties from other European countries, their ambitions to occupy key positions in the European Commission and their active ties with Russia. The possible ways to avoid the most catastrophic scenarios of Italy's exit from the EU are analyzed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 197 ◽  
pp. 02004
Author(s):  
Laura Cirrincione ◽  
Giorgia Peri ◽  
Gianfranco Rizzo ◽  
Gianluca Scaccianoce

The tourist sector, despite the present severe constraints imposed by the sanitary emergence, can be considered as an important component of almost all countries’ economies. In Italy agriturism, in particular, has been experiences a continuously rising trend in recent years. Clearly, such great interest towards these businesses also calls for a deep attention by an energy point of view, in sight of an energy efficiency improvement, hence a lowering of the pressure that such facilities exert to the natural environment. On the other hand, the European Union has been engaged, for a long time, in awarding the tourist accommodations environmental excellence brands, like the EU Ecolabel. Unfortunately, the achievement of such excellence brands requires the capability of managing complex energy and environmental data, which is often not the prerogative of people running such facilities. In order of contributing to overcome this difficulty, and with the aim of helping the addressing of agritourism towards a Nearly Zero Energy path, we propose here a simple approach that does not require the modelling and simulation of the energy behaviour of an agritourism, being essentially based on the application of easy-to-use ARERA (Italian Regulatory Authority for Energy Networks and Environment) datasheets scheme. On purpose, an application of the method, involving two typical Sicilian agritourism, is presented. The obtained results showed the viability of the proposed methodology, although the need of an update and/or replacement of some technical datasheets arose.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (6(75)) ◽  
pp. 51-74
Author(s):  
Józef Fiszer

The study is devoted to Poland’s accession to NATO and the European Union (EU) and describes Germany’s stance on Poland’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations after 1989, which, despite various assessments, was not explicit and enthusiastic. However, it evolved gradually and was determined by a difficult internal situation after the reunification of Germany and its new geopolitics and geoeconomics. For Germany that reunified on 3 October 1990, an issue of greater importance than Polish accession to NATO and the EU was the presence of Soviet troops on the territory of the former GDR and normalization of relations with neighbors, particularly with France, Poland, the Soviet Union, and the United States. Both France and the United Kingdom, as well as the Soviet Union, and to a lesser extent, the United States initially were afraid of a reunified Germany and opposed Polish membership in Euro-Atlantic structures. At the time, hopes and fears were rife about the future of Europe. A common question was being asked in Paris, London, Moscow, Washington, and Warsaw – would reunified Germany remain a European state, or would Europe become German? Should Germany stay in NATO or leave after the reunification? There were questions also about Moscow’s policy towards reunified Germany and its position on Poland’s accession to Euro-Atlantic structures. Unfortunately, for a long time, it was negative. Today, thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the reunification of Germany, we can see that the black scenarios that were outlined in 1989-1990 did not actually come true. Despite the fears, those events opened the way for Poland to “return to Europe” and to gain membership in Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., NATO and the European Union (EU). The path was not at all simple and it was not easy for Poland to make it through. In the study the author analyses subjective and objective difficulties related to Poland's accession to NATO and the EU and describes the evolution and role of Germany in this process.


2022 ◽  
pp. 111-134
Author(s):  
Anatoliy Khudoliy

The purpose of the chapter is to assess and link the issues of migration flows with the accession process of the Balkan countries and the European Union enlargement policy. The chapter argues that despite the recent changes in the EU commission's policy towards the candidate countries there is more to be done to foster the process and encourage domestic reforms in the countries. The chapter examines the process of migration along the Balkan migration route from 2001 till 2021 and its influence on the European Union policy and the policy of Balkan countries. The author links the issue of migration flows with the accession process of the Balkan countries, traces the connection between the issue of migration flows with the European Union enlargement, and analyzes the legal steps taken by the EU and the countries of the region in order to control the process of migration.


2009 ◽  
Vol 160 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Hristova Angelova ◽  
Doru Leonard Irimie ◽  
Metodi Sotirov ◽  
Georg Winkel

Romania's and Bulgaria's accession to the European Union (EU) increased the forested area of the Community considerably and lead to significant changes within the forest sectors of these states, which had been shaped by centrally planned economy for a long time. Entering the European economic area and complying with its legal framework triggered a dynamic development, which was characterized by the competing priorities of domestic forest policy and the requests formulated by the EU. This article is going to discuss the immanent processes of these developments based on the results of three dissertations on this topic carried out at the Institute of Forest and Environmental Policy, University of Freiburg (Germany) during the recent years. The research focuses on the institutional changes in Romania and Bulgaria paying special attention to the restitution of property to private owners. Besides formal institutions, also informal aspects such as conflicting beliefs and interests of different forest policy stakeholders are considered. It can be shown that, despite the considerable development the forest sectors of both countries went through, still major challenges remain to be dealt with until they are fully integrated into the European economic and political area.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 944-949
Author(s):  
Dieter Grimm

The commentary, especially from abroad, on the Federal Constitutional Court’s judgment concerning the bond-buying programme undertaken by the European Central Bank (ECB) conveys the impression that something unimaginable has occurred. The German court has refused to follow the ruling of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), thereby setting “a bomb under the EU legal order.”1 Yet there is nothing new about the risk of conflict between the two courts. It came about when the Court of Justice of the European Union implicitly presumed, in 1963,2 and explicitly declared, in 1964,3 that European law takes precedence over domestic law, even over domestic constitutional law. This view was by no means without alternative, given that the Treaties of Rome do not address the precedence of Community law. The Member States involved in the dispute denied having agreed to any such precedence in the Treaties. Even the CJEU’s Advocate General was unable to find any basis in the Treaties for the precedence of European law.4 The CJEU derived the precedence of European law from the purpose of the European Economic Community.5 It argued that there could be no common market if each Member State applied and interpreted European law however it saw fit.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 272-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martina Coli

Abstract For a long time considered, improperly, a sort of ‘nuclear’ option, Article 7 TEU is the key EU Treaty provision in the field of values enforcement. In the context of the Union’s current rule of law crisis, such a provision deserves the greatest attention, especially after the European Commission’s proposal in December 2017 to trigger the procedure against Poland, under Article 7(1) TEU. This article contributes to understandings of the provision by reviewing its main features and contextualising its deployment in the general Polish rule of law crisis, with the aim of evaluating whether it can now be considered as an operational instrument for values enforcement. Although the Commission’s (late) decision to activate the Article 7(1) TEU procedure should be welcomed as a major effort in restoring the rule of law within the European Union, the (perceived and real) limits of Article 7 TEU and the inertia of the EU institutions cast a shadow over the procedure’s effective implementation.


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