scholarly journals Anthropological Responsibility in Nigeria

Author(s):  
Onigu Otite

This paper participates in the crucial debate on the end of anthropology with particular reference to Nigeria. It takes the view that social anthropology predates colonialism which system nevertheless gave the discipline a slanted impetus of an exploitative and utilitarian nature. Under the colonial system, social anthropologists, mostly foreigners, were requested and/or funded to provide utilizable data on various indigenous systems in Nigeria. This led to a type of academic scramble in which social anthropological carved out “territories” for themselves through a glorification of the exclusive symbols and relationships which they found and through some grand theories based on these. The colonial indirect rule system tended to consolidate the sociocultural units marked out by these anthropological and quasi anthropological investigations. One major drawback of most of the early anthropological monographs in Nigeria is the general absence of the analysis of inter ethnic linkage relationships for clues to socio-cultural differences-reduction so that anthropology provides weak or no answer to the problem of increased ethnicity resulting from increased individual and group interaction in the emergent dynamic Nigerian society. This lack of knowledge of cultural and systemic convergence may, in part, be attributed to the theoretical orientation of social anthropology and to its preoccupation with smallscale and isolated total-system studies, presented in an ethnographic presence. Such anthropology and such theoretical kit and perspectives now have their limitations in any serious studies geared towards national integration and development. Thus, in order not to kill itself in Nigeria, social anthropology has to be macrosociological, refraining centrally from concern with some exotic micro-system or some zoo custom or joking relationship unless the relevance of this can be shown in the solutions to the problem of the Nigerian national political and economic development and integration. Formerly independent indigenous states and other anthropological preserves are now inescapably encapsulated as continuing but constrained systems in Nigeria. This continuing coexistence guarantees a place for social anthropology; the relevance of this place depends on anthropological contributions to national integration and to political and economic development.

Author(s):  
Akinseye U. Olowu ◽  
Edwin Ijeoma ◽  
Annabel Vanroose

Background: This article examined the performance of entrepreneurship indicators and their influence on the business environments through economic rankings in selected Anglophone and Francophone countries in West Africa.Aim: An institutional framework for entrepreneurship indicators was adopted as a measure for entrepreneurship in the region focusing on its determinants, impacts and outcomes.Setting: The colonial policy of indirect rule in the Anglophone West Africa focused on economic development and national integration, while the colonial policy of assimilation in the francophone focused on trade and centralisation.Method: This study focused on a comparative evaluation and synthesis.Results: The study found that the Anglophone countries were more entrepreneurship enhancing than the Francophone divide, but the economies in the region were all factor driven.Conclusion: The study recommends private sector partnership in the drive to promote entrepreneurship so that the entrepreneurship drive in the countries aim towards innovative and efficient competitiveness.


2012 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 11-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carla Freeman

For six decades, China's central authorities have promoted development in ethnic regions through special fiscal allocations with the idea that economic development is the key to national integration and inter-ethnic harmony. Yet, inter-ethnic tensions and violence persist in China. Focusing on historical changes to fiscal allocations as the principal policy instrument used by Beijing to promote development in ethnic areas, this analysis finds these changes mirror broad shifts in the country's national development strategy. As the study argues, this pattern reflects an approach to development policy in ethnic regions whereby policies serve central objectives consistent with a policy process for determining the fiscal allocations to ethnic regions that has been both centrally concentrated and non-participatory. With evidence that this “non-engaging” approach may be exacerbating ethnic tensions, Beijing has made efforts to introduce more “inclusive” approaches to determining policies for ethnic regions; however, whether these approaches will be institutionalized remains unclear.


1990 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Thomas

British rule in the former Crown Colony of Fiji was a paradoxical affair in several ways. The first Governor, Sir Arthur Gordon, had been shocked by the dispossession of the New Zealand Maori and was determined to subordinate settler interests in Fiji to those of the indigenous population. From the time of cession by a group of paramount chiefs in 1874, administrative policies and structures aimed to defend, protect, and institutionalize the traditional Fijian communal system. For example, what were thought to be traditional chiefly privileges, such as rights to produce, were legally enshrined and articulated with an indirect rule system of appointed village, district, and provincial chiefs. Land was made the inalienable property of clan groups of certain types (which Fijians were obliged to create where they did not already exist).


1971 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 416-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Jon Rosenbaum ◽  
William G. Tyler

Long a region seemingly immune to modernization and relegated to governmental neglect, the Brazilian Amazon has nonetheless frequently been the theme of political rhetoric. While the area has stagnated, Brazilians have continually referred to it as the “Land of Promise.” Now, however, it appears that Amazonia is finally to become a major government beneficiary.An area comprising 42 percent of Brazil's territory but only about three percent of its population, a land often inaccurately portrayed as both a “Green Hell” and a “Green Paradise,” the Amazon recently has been selected by President Garrastazu Médici as the site of a major development effort. Its colonization and economic development have been assigned priority status within the president's “Plan for National Integration.”


Author(s):  
Ulung Napitu ◽  
Opan S. Suwartapradja ◽  
Budi Radjab ◽  
Junardi Harahap

This paper deal with the challenges in and approaches to bringing about both   and integration in multiethnic Indonesia’s people life. Till now, some challenges in national integration are still found in forms of: SARA (ethnicity, religion, and inter-group)-based social conflicts, fake news (hoax), hate speeches (e.g. Saracen), radical movements, separatism movements, etc. These are due to inequality n social-economic development, low awareness of some elements of the state, and allegedly discriminative practices. Overcoming the multi-dimension problems needs genuine commitment, hard work, allegiance to the Constitusion and Pancasila (Indonesia’s ideological principles) as the state foundation, and awareness of the whole elements of the nation. To analyze deeply the phenomena relating to the callenges in and approaches to bringing about national integration, a library research method was used. Building on written sources of books, journals, newspapers and other prited media, the current paper could expectedly result in a valuable publication. The analysis performed in the present writing started by selecting, evaluating, and analyzing contents and the shynthezing the contents of different books and journals so as to draw conclusions. To secure the validity of the printed sources, the author out both external and internal critiques of the library sources used.


2020 ◽  
pp. 426-450
Author(s):  
Neil Macmaster

A central feature of long-term colonial rule in Algeria was a deep and unresolved tension, between indirect rule by local, conservative élites based on patrimonial forms of government, and plans for economic and political modernization that depended on breaking the hold of the caids and the old system of commune mixte administration. Opération Pilote revealed such contradictions. Servier supported plans of socio-economic development and modernization, the creation of a ‘New Algeria’, but in practice he supported the neo-tribalism of the bachaga Boualam, and other traditional élites, that continued to depend on patron-client relations, maraboutism, and charismatic authority. The special forces officer Hentic was unable to transform Boualam’s harkis from an incompetent ‘private’ army into a regular, trained force. Likewise the secret service supported and armed the third force movement led by the ex-MNA leader Djilali Belhadj or ‘Kobus’. Kobus, revealing wider political ambitions, acted like a predatory warlord and had catastrophic impacts in damaging COIN operations in the Ouarsenis, before his assassination by the FLN.


1980 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yeo Kim Wah

Between 1874 and 1888, British colonial rule was imposed on the Malay states of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan, and Pahang later collectively called the Federated Malay States (FMS). Based on the various Anglo-Malay treaties, which maintained the fiction that the British Resident was an adviser to the Malay ruler, the British established a form of administration generally known as a system of indirect rule. In this new order, the Malay rulers retained their constitutional and ceremonial role, while the exercise of executive power was held firmly in British hands. In the rush for establishing a modern administration and accelerating economic development late in the nineteenth century, hardly any attention was paid to training Malays to share executive power with British officials at the higher level of government or to compete effectively with Indians, Eurasians, and Chinese for subordinate appointments. This sin of omission began to stir the British conscience at the turn of the century and, for the next four decades, the British pursued a policy of actively promoting Malay employment in the government. This paper discusses the central component of this policy, namely, the training, recruitment, and development of Malay administrators in the FMS.


1971 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles F. Keyes

Buddhism in Thailand has been both subjected to integrative policies advanced by the Thai government and manipulated as an instrument for promoting national integration. As a result of reforms instituted at the end of the nineteenth century, several different traditions of Therevada Buddhism were united into a national religious system. In recent years, the Thai government has attempted to involve the Buddhist Sangha in efforts to promote economic development among the Thai peasantry and assimilation of tribal peoples into Thai society. While the policies designed to integrate Buddhism within Thailand were successful, the efforts to use Thai Buddhism as instrument of national policy could prove deleterious rather than advantageous to the attainment of national goals.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document