scholarly journals Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia Terhadap Dukungan Republik Vanuatu Atas Kemerdekaan Papua Barat Tahun 2015-2016

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (01) ◽  
pp. 82-113
Author(s):  
Bimbi Rianda ◽  
Yuswari Octonain Djemat ◽  
Angga Nurdin Rahmat
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Politics ◽  
National Interest ◽  
West Papua ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Papua Barat

Foreign policy stated by Indonesia related to the Republic ofVanuatu support for the Indenpendence of West Papua does not happennaturally. It is influenced by the facts and values that are had by theIndonesia that led to the perception and influences the decision ofmaking process. Indonesia stated that West Papua is a part of therepublic of Indonesia. Therefore, Indonesia states a foreign policy ofRepublic of Vanuatu regarding the support for the independence ofWest Papua. The result of this research indicates that there are someforeign policies of Indonesia against the Republic Vanuatu support forthe Independence of West Papua based on set of orientation, set ofcommitments and a group of behavior action. This research usesrealism approach, the concept of international politics, the concept offoreign policy, the concept of power, the concept of national interest, andthe concept of sovereignty that can explain the foreign policy ofIndonesia against the Republic Vanuatu support for the independenceof West Papua 2015-2016

Sukarno and Colonialism: An Analysis of Indonesia’s Foreign Policy Discourse, 1955-1961

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Policy Discourse ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
West Papua ◽  
The World ◽  
Important Player ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Republic

For the most part, the literature about Indonesia’s foreign policy does not stray far from a descriptive and chronological presentation of the subject. The fact of the matter is that an in-depth analysis of the nation’s foreign policy from a different era will impart valuable lessons to the current policymakers in charge of formulating and implementing such a policy. The era of Sukarno bore witness to the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy that was strong in ideas and practices. Employing discourse analysis, this article seeks to analyze five of Sukarno’s speeches, which were delivered in various international forums from 1955 to 1963. It demonstrates that during that time, Indonesia put forward a coherent and consistent foreign policy with colonialism as its master signifier. The promotion of such a discourse contributed positively to the diplomatic effort on the issue of West Papua by mobilizing supports from Asian-African nations, as well as attracting the interest of the superpowers. As a result, Indonesia’s national interest to bring West Papua into the Republic was well served, and furthermore, Indonesia succeeded in enhancing its image, role, and leadership in world affairs. This experience presents a challenge to the contemporary policymakers in producing a configuration of strong ideas and concepts that would allow the implementation of a foreign policy that serves the national interest, when the nation has once again risen as an important player on the world stage.

scholarly journals Strategi Kodim 1703/Manokwari Dalam Penanganan Konflik Sosial di Provinsi Papua Barat

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-158
Author(s):  
Uchaimid Biridlo'i Robby ◽  
Dedi Akhiruddin
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
Social Conflicts ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
West Papua ◽  
Conflict Handling ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Papua Barat ◽  
The Masses

The level of pluralism of the Indonesian nation, which has a variety of religions, cultures, languages ​​and ethnicities, makes the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia a heterogeneous country, so it is common for friction to occur and cause social conflict by directing the masses to act irrationally. Conflict situations tend to be easily exploited by those who try to take advantage of them. Conflict parties have different understandings about the problems at hand. From this explanation explicitly, the importance of the involvement of Kodim 1703 / Manokwari of West Papua Province in dealing with social conflicts cannot only be borne by the handling of conflicts that have occurred but is an initial form of a persuasive approach to all elements of society. needed. This study aims to identify and analyze the strategy of Kodim 1703 / Manokwari of West Papua Province in handling social conflicts based on Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 7 of 2012 in handling social conflicts in Indonesia, especially West Papua Province. The method used by the writer is descriptive qualitative method. The data obtained came from interviews with informants who were directly involved in the field during the handling of social conflicts in Manokwari. Based on the research results, it can be concluded as follows: (1) The role of Kodim 1703 / Manokwari in handling social conflicts in Manokwari City is limited by Law Number 7 of 2012 concerning Social Conflict Handling so that it is not optimal by involving all levels of society so that no one feels left out or ignored.   Keywords: Management Strategic and Social Conflict

Southern Africa: A Cataclysm Averted?

Worldview ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 18 (11) ◽  
pp. 11-16
Author(s):  
Ross K. Baker
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Southern Africa ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Substantial Part ◽  
World Power ◽  
External Relations ◽  
The Republic

In a time when idiocies such as the domino theory comprise a substantial part of American foreign policy one has to look hard for evidence that authentic national interest is anywhere being invoked as a rationale for external relations. That the Republic of South Africa seems to be a world power demonstrating innovation in diplomacy and putting shibboleths in their rightful place says something about the genera] bankruptcy of Western statecraft. While Ford and Kissinger flail about seeking justifications for American failures and misalliances, a moldy, outcast regime in Pretoria has embarked upon a path of diplomatic initiative which has effectively breached the wall of isolation that has surrounded it for two decades. The motives of the regime of John Vorster may be sinister and base, but there appears to be a far more sophisticated perception of long-term interests in Pretoria than in Washington.

scholarly journals POPULISME DAN KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI DI INDONESIA

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Imelda Masni Juniaty Sianipar
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Order ◽  
The West ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Hugo Chavez

On October 20, 2014, Joko Widodo or familiarly known as Jokowi was sworn in as the Seventh President of the Republic of Indonesia. The majority of Indonesian society supports Jokowi because He is simple, honest and populist. The presence of populist leaders in international politics often attracts the attention of Western countries, particularly the United States. Populist leaders are often considered as the authoritarian leaders, anti-democratic, anti-Western, anti-foreign and anti-market. Hugo Chavez from Venezuela and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad from Iran are the examples. Chavez and Ahmadinejad are considered as threats by the United States because they challenge the United States led regional and global order. This article will examine the direction of Jokowi’s foreign policy. This article argues that Jokowi is a moderate populist leader. Jokowi is friendly to other countries including the West but still prioritize the national interests. Thus, Indonesia under Jokowi is not a threat to other countries and the West. In fact, they can work together to achieve their common national interests. Keywords: populism, foreign policy, Indonesia, jokowi, moderate populism

scholarly journals Pengaruh Pengalaman Audit, Keahlian Audit, Tekanan Ketaatan, Dan Kompleksitas Tugas Terhadap Audit Judgment Auditor (Studi Pada BPK-RI Perwakilan Provinsi Papua Barat)

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Billy Johan Herman Ratag ◽  
Simson Werimon ◽  
Syarifudin
Keyword(s):  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Linear Regression ◽  
Data Collection ◽  
Sampling Method ◽  
Linear Regression Analysis ◽  
Auditor Judgment ◽  
Audit Judgment ◽  
West Papua ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Papua Barat

This study aims to analyse the influence of audit experience, audit expertise, compliance pressure and complexity of tasks on auditor judgment audits. The sample in this study was an auditor working with the Audit Board of the Republic of Indonesia, representative of West Papua Province. The sample is selected based on purposive sampling method. Data collection was conducted by distributing questionnaires to 42 respondents and returned as many as 32 questionnaires. The data was analyzed using linear regression analysis with SPSS 21. The results of this study show that audit experience affects audit judgment auditors. Audit expertise has no effect on auditors' judgment audits. Compliance pressure affects auditors' judgment audits. The complexity of the task has no effect on the auditor's audit judgment.

National interests and foreign policy: A conceptual framework for analysis and decision-making

1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 246-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald E. Nuechterlein
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Conceptual Framework ◽  
International Politics ◽  
National Interest ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Foreign Ministers

The term “national interest” has been used by statesmen and scholars since the founding of nation-states to describe the aspirations and goals of sovereign entities in the international arena. Today foreign ministers, military strategists and academicians discuss the vital interests of their countries in ways suggesting that everyone understands precisely what they mean and will draw correct inferences from their use of the term. Nothing could be further from reality. In truth, the study of international politics as well as the art of diplomacy suffer from widespread ambiguity about the meaning of national interest, with the result that some scholars have proposed that the concept be abandoned and replaced by some other phrase. To my mind, this would be an abdication of the scholar's responsibility because, whether we like it or not, the term national interest is so deeply ingrained in the literature of international relations and diplomatic language that it is unlikely to be dismissed from our vocabulary simply because some scholars find it useless. Were we to attempt to substitute some new phrase, we would likely find even less consensus and could become engaged in yet another round of jargon-creation. A better alternative, I suggest, is to strive for a more precise definition of national interest and then provide a conceptual framework in which serious discussion of foreign policy and international politics can become more fruitful. That is the purpose of this paper.

scholarly journals MIDDLEPOWERMANSHIP IN KOREAN FOREIGN POLICY

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-105
Author(s):  
A. Vorontsov ◽  
T. Ponka ◽  
E. Varpahovskis
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Global Context ◽  
Middle Power ◽  
South Korean ◽  
The Republic

As a result of the Post-Cold War development, the international relations have shifted from bipolarism to a multipolarism. Once relevant Western-born IR theories lack explanatory power. Current IR witness the growing role of the non-Western states both in regional and international domains. Consequently, there is a growing need for appropriate IR theories that could explain the changing world structure, describe the role of new powers in international politics and define future development. Thus, it is essential to study non-Western research that focuses on conceptualization of ongoing processes from its perspective.The authors analyze the IR theories developed by South Korean scholars. The purpose of this article is to analyze South Korean interpretations of the middlepowermanship that considers the Republic of Korea’s unique regional and global context. South Korean scholars agree on a particular geostrategic location of the state. The geopolitical location, absence of natural resources and limited military power hinder South Korea’s ability to use hard power in regional and international politics. However, South Korea’s economic development and creative approach in foreign policy translate into middle power diplomacy, which includes niche diplomacy, moderating role in relations between greater powers, regional cooperation promotion, and development of the international legal system.The authors conclude that South Korean version of middle power theory is continuously being (re) interpreted and adapted to the country’s foreign policy. South Korea is to be a a bridge between the great powers in the region.

In Quest of a Second Boom

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirzad Azad
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Gulf Cooperation Council ◽  
East Region ◽  
Personal Motivation ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Middle East Region ◽  
Different Parts

In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.

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