ISLAMIC EXTREMISM AND TERRORISM IN CENTRAL ASIA: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-117
Author(s):  
Nartsiss Shukuralieva ◽  
Artur Lipiński
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
In The Beginning

The paper examines the process of securitization of Islam in Central Asia within three sectors, namely, military, political and societal. It argues that securitization is not merely a speech act, it also is an associated political process that affects the adoption of laws related to traditions, freedom of conscience, religious associations, public organizations, political parties and security policy. The article presents the methods that were used to construe various notions of Islam as a threat. The prerequisites of this policy are deconstructed and analyzed, along with its consequences for the political system and the reproduction of authoritarianism in the states under scrutiny. The theory of securitization is presented in the beginning of the article. The second part examines the military sphere, where Islamic radicalism is portrayed as a threat to the security of the state, population, territorial integrity and military potential. The next part examines the political sphere, where Islamic radicalism is said to threaten the sovereignty of the state, its institutions, and the stability and sustainability of the social order. The final part of the paper focuses on the discourse and practice within the societal sector, which touches upon issues in which Islamic radicalism threatens collective identity, language, and culture.

Cultivating the Art of Anxiety: Securitising Culture in China

China Report ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 000944552110470
Author(s):  
Rudolf Fürst
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Communication ◽  
The Political ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Security Concern

Deepening globalisation and worldwide availability of free information and ideas raise concerns of the communist China’s political leadership about the stability of the regime and the sustainability of the state ideological orthodoxy. Therefore, the state’s tightening control of the public communication to curtail the domestic criticism and occasional public discontent is becoming framed and legitimised in terms of cultural security as a non-traditional security concern. This study argues that the restrictive impacts of the politicisation of culture in the centralised agenda of President Xi Jinping reinvigorate China’s anti-Western narratives and attitudes. The research focuses on the state’s cultural security-related and applicable strategy in the political and institutional agenda and media. Moreover, the study also traces the state cultural security policy in the field of the civic and non-governmental sector, religious and ethnic minorities policy, literature, film and audiovisual sectors. The findings assess the concern that the intellectually anachronistic, self-restraining and internationally hostile policy devaluates China’s cultural potential and complexity.

scholarly journals Minister-Permanent Secretary Relationships: Lessons from Zimbabwe’s Government of national Unity

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Large Degree ◽  
The State ◽  
Team Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.

The Sound of Constitutional Silence

City, State ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 17-50
Author(s):  
Ran Hirschl
Keyword(s):  
Collective Identity ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Public Law ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Sciences ◽  
Comparative Constitutional Law ◽  
Spatial Governance ◽  
Constitutional Discourse

This chapter examines four introductory dimensions of the political and constitutional discourse around cities. The first is the tremendous interest in cities throughout much of the human sciences as contrasted with the silence of public law in general, and of comparative constitutional law in particular. Next, the chapter takes a look at the dominant statist stance embedded in constitutional law, in particular as it addresses sovereignty and spatial governance of the polity. A brief account of what national constitutions actually say about cities, and more significantly what they do not is then given. Finally, the chapter turns to the tendency in political discourse on collective identity to understand the “local” almost exclusively at the national or regional levels, rather than distinguishing urban interests from those of the state. Taken together, the four angles of city constitutional (non)status examined here highlight the bewildering silence of contemporary constitutional discourse with respect to cities and urbanization, as well as the strong statist outlook embedded in national constitutional orders, effectively rendering the metropolis a constitutionally non-tenable entity.

The King's Affinity in the Polity of Yorkist England

1973 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. A. L. Morgan
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Formal Group ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Strict Sense ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Scene

The rise and fall of the house of York is a story which sits uneasily towards both revolutionary and evolutionary interpretations of fifteenth-century England. Indeed, in general, attempts to tidy away the political process of Lancastrian and Yorkist times into the displacement of one type of régime by another always fail to convince. They do so because as a régime neither Lancaster nor York kept still long enough to be impaled on a categorical definition. The political life and death of both dynasties composes the pattern, changing yet constant, of a set of variations on the theme of an aristocratic society pre-dominantly kingship-focused and centripetal rather than locality-focused and centrifugal. In so far as the political process conformed to the social order, the households of the great were the nodal connections in which relationships of mutual dependence cohered. Those retinues, fellowships, affinities (for the vocabulary of the time was rich in terms overlapping but with nuances of descriptive emphasis) have now been studied both in their general conformation and in several particular instances; I have here attempted for the central affinity of the king over one generation not a formal group portrait but a sketch focused on the middle distance of figures in a landscape. The meagreness of household records in the strict sense is a problem we must learn to live with. But it would seem sensible to make a virtue of necessity and follow the life-line of what evidence there is to the conclusion that if an understanding of the household is only possible by attending to its wider context, so an understanding of that wider political scene requires some attention to the household.

INVESTMENT AND INVISIBILITY

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 511-533
Author(s):  
Aaron Rosenthal
Keyword(s):  
Justice System ◽  
Mixed Methods Research ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Gain Control ◽  
The State ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Inequality ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Political Distrust

AbstractDoes political distrust generate a desire to engage in the political process or does it foster demobilization? Utilizing a theoretical framework rooted in government experiences and a mixed-methods research design, this article highlights the racially contingent meaning of political distrust to show that both relationships exist. For Whites, distrust is tied to a perception of tax dollars being poorly spent, leading to increased political involvement as Whites to try to gain control over “their” investment in government. For People of Color, distrust of government is grounded in a fear of the criminal justice system, and thus drives disengagement by motivating a desire for invisibility in relation to the state. Ultimately, this finding highlights a previously unseen racial heterogeneity in the political consequences of distrust. Further, it demonstrates how the state perpetuates racially patterned political inequality in a time when many of the formal laws engendering this dynamic have fallen away.

Banking and Bank Legislation in California, 1890–1915

1973 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 482-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansel G. Blackford
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Major Significance

While events of major significance for banking occurred on the national scene in the populist and progressive years, noteworthy changes also materialized on the state level. Like their brethren elsewhere in the country, California bankers struggled through their organizations with such problems as how to achieve “sound banking,” how to influence the political process in their state, and how to give banking more of the trappings of professionalism.

scholarly journals Revolution of Personality, or the Rise of Personaliat

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (99) ◽  
pp. 68-89
Author(s):  
D.A. Davydov
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Scale Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Creative Activity ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Economic Changes

The idea of the post-capitalist society has long been associated with the “grassroots” struggle of the exploited classes for the society that is free from all forms of domination and exploitation. D.Davydov does not consider this approach scientific and proposes one should change the lens of research and focus on what is happening at the level of the elites, where the new world is slowly maturing and new relationships are often intertwined with the old ones. The article is devoted to the justification of the argument, according to which the development of the post-capitalist social relations has been going on for a relatively long time — as the rise of people who “possess a personality” (personaliat). The author demonstrates that the unfol ding processes can be explained by the deep economic changes — the transformation of creativity into the predominant source of consumer values. The author elabo rates the idea that the essence of the knowledge economy is not capitalist or even is anti-capitalist, but at the same time he suggests that it is the nature of social relations around creative activity that should be consi dered rather than creative activity per se. From his point of view, despite the fact that the consequences of such activities complicate the functioning of the capitalist economy, the demise of the old economy does not mean that somewhere beyond the horizon we will have a cloudless non-antagonistic future. It is much more relevant to view post-capitalist transformation as the gradual rise to dominance of those who possess power over public attention. The author starts the article with a brief “history of personality” and after that demonstrates how the depersonalized world was gradually “colo nized” by creative public figures. According to his conclusion, today we witness a large-scale transformation of the Political, which is associated with the trend that representatives of personaliat assumed roles of key actors in the political process. Power is transferred from those with money to those with persona lity. However, this shift in itself hardly guarantees the establishment of an egalitarian social order that has overcome all forms of alienation and inequality. Moreover, at the moment such prospect looks doubtful.

scholarly journals STUDENT POLITICS IN URBAN TERNATE, NORTH MALUKU

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Basri Amin
Keyword(s):  
University Students ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Student Politics ◽  
New Formation

This article examines student politics articulated by university students in contemporary Ternate, North Maluku. The involvement of students in the political arena in the region is mostly organized through regional (ethnic) organizations.The larger context of such political process is decentralisation, which make religional resource resources dominated by the state. At the same time competition among local elites and ethnic groups flourish. This is the main background of a new formation of group interests in local level -including local university students-- to gain group advantages. The case of Ternate, North Maluku, is an example of how groups of students organize their practical interests in the arena of politics by exploiting youth associations and ethnic organizations.Artikel ini mengkaji tentang politik yang diartikulasikan oleh kalangan mahasiswa dalam percaturan politik lokal di Ternate, Maluku Utara. Keterlibatan mahasiswa dalam arena kekuasaan di kawasan ini lebih banyak dilakukan melalui instrumen organisasi kedaerahan (etnis). Konteks besar yang menjadi landasan dari proses sosial ini adalah desentralisasi yang menempatkan sedemikian rupa sumberdaya pembangunan lebih banyak didominasi oleh negara, tapi pada saat yang sama perkembangan politik etnis terus menyertai persaingan kelompok dan elit lokal. Kasus Maluku Utara adalah sebuah contoh bagaimana kaum muda memainkan kepentingannya sendiri dalam percaturan kekuasaan dan dalam hal memanfaatkan kesempatan-kesempatan praktis untuk mereka.

scholarly journals Death Stranding, Hobbes and the Problem of Social Order: Where (and How) Should we Haul the Sovereign?

2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 142-164
Author(s):  
S.V. Kozlov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Video Game ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Physical Capacity ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Expansion ◽  
State Of Nature

In this article I describe the implicit conceptualization of social order which exists in Death Stranding — localized in both the setting and the mechanics of the game — and compare it with the conceptualization of Thomas Hobbes’s “Leviathan”. First, the theoretical tension between Death Stranding and “Leviathan” is traced: the speculative conceptualization of the Leviathan and the procedural conceptualization of Death Stranding are compared by clarifying the role that the concepts of action, authorization, right and sovereignty play in Hobbesian theory and the video game. Sec­ondly, the theoretical tension between the political and natural capacities of the Sovereign according to Hobbes is explicated; with the help of mate­rial from Death Stranding, a variant of its resolution is proposed, suggest­ing the conceptualization of the Sovereign-without-a-body: an instance devoid of physical capacity and materiality, yet still capable of maintaining social order as a product of its activity. Subsequently, attention is paid to the mechanics of state expansion in Death Stranding: I describe and analyze how the Sovereign-without-a-body’s messenger — the protagonist of the video game — interacts with people outside the Sovereign’s zone of influ­ence, convincing them to consent to return to the commonwealth. This theoretical move makes it possible to supplement Hobbes’s binary scheme of the state of nature and commonwealth with a third concept — the state of memory, in which the memory of the Sovereign turns out to be a deci­sive factor influencing whether the commonwealth will be restored to its former boundaries. By explicating the Hobbesian theory of imagination, I demonstrate that — in the state of memory — the Sovereign is contingent, not fully defined, and virtual.

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