scholarly journals Features of Establishment of the Ukrainian Local Orthodox Church in Conditions of Ongoing Russian Agression

2018 ◽  
pp. 722-732
Author(s):  
Serhii Zdioruk

The essence and need for the establishment of the Ukrainian Local Orthodox Church are revealed. It shows a direct correlation between the assertion of independence of Ukrainian Orthodoxy from the Moscow Patriarchate and the consolidation of Ukrainian society and the strengthening of national security of Ukraine. A dangerous challenge for the Ukrainian people is that we were forced to realize our ethno-religious identity not through world structures (the Vatican, the Ecumenical Patriarchate, and so on), but through Russian Orthodox fundamentalism, obscurantism, and primitive rite of passage, as a result of the inadequate policy of our guides for decades after the restoration of state independence. The article shows the threats to the national interests and national security of the state created by the activities of the Moscow Patriarchate in Ukraine. Russia now considers the use of inter-Orthodox relations as one of the effective mechanisms against the consolidation of the Ukrainian people for the approval of the Ukrainian local Orthodox Church. It is stated that as a result of the deconsolidation of the Ukrainian Orthodox community, Ukraine will lose the potential of Ukrainian citizens. It is noted that the assertion of the Ukrainian local Orthodox Church is equal to the establishment of the national Church, regardless of other foreign religious centres. The recommendations suggest measures, in particular legislative ones, for the democratic settlement of public-religious and state-Church relations in order to consolidate Ukrainian society. They should help ensure the realization of the national interests of the Ukrainian people in the conditions of modern Russian aggression. Keywords: Ukrainian Local Orthodox Church, national interests of Ukraine, Russian aggression, hybrid war, establishment, international religious relations.

Author(s):  
Volodymyr Smolianiuk ◽  
Mykola Balan

The purpose of the article. Identify the nature of challenges, threats, dangers and risks as destructive factors of social, man-made and natural origin; to prove the priority of the category “threat” as a kind of risk in the domestic legislation on national security; to argue the thesis about Ukraine’s belonging to “risk societies”; point to the further complication of the process of producing various threats and challenges against the state and society. Scientific novelty. Based on the use of the current legal framework of Ukraine on national security, the existence of a process of continuous accumulation of risks in key areas of the state and the transformation of Ukrainian society on this basis into a “society of risk” is proved. Emphasis is placed on accelerating this process in the context of the hybrid war launched by Russia against Ukraine in 2014. Social development dictates the need for a clear verbal designation of destructive factors against the interests of the majority (national interests). The terms describing their likely or real impact on society were “challenges”, “threats”, “dangers” and “risks”. The natural step of their substantive definition and meaningful filling was their implementation in the conceptual and categorical apparatus of national security theory. In a broad sense, national security is proposed to be considered a state of protection of national interests and values, both from challenges, threats and dangers, and risks. The most widely used term in Ukraine’s socio-political realities is the “threat” that is widely represented in national legislation on national security. The total number of threats in modern Ukraine is steadily increasing. According to Western analytical developments, the excessive spread of threats in basic social spheres (economic, political, social, spiritual, cultural, etc.) gives reason to qualify Ukraine as a “risk society”. The situation is complicated by the hybrid war being waged by the Russian Federation against Ukraine and other democratic countries. It is advisable to present the modern hostilities initiated by Russia as a process of continuous production of threats (risks), the total effect of which should be the destruction of the Ukrainian statehood. In such circumstances, Ukraine should accelerate the process of development (updating) and practical implementation of key strategic documents – the National Security Strategy, the Military Security Strategy, the Cyber Security Strategy, the Public Security and Civil Defense Strategy, the Strategy for the Development of the Defense Industrial Complex. But for the time being, such documents are either substantially outdated or missing at all. Conclusions. Society, based on its complex nature, built on unity and the struggle of opposites, feels the constant impact of challenges, threats and dangers (risks), which it generates. There are no unified and generally accepted interpretations of challenges, threats, dangers and risks. Each country offers its own formats of their interaction and mutual transformation. The most widely used of these are “threats” (Ukraine) and “risks” (Western countries). The total number of risks in which Ukraine is directly or indirectly involved is steadily progressing. Accordingly, modern Ukraine is a clearly defined “society of risks.” Under the pressure of numerous challenges, threats and dangers, Ukraine as a “society of risks” abandons the unambiguous (linear) formulation of threats to national security inherent in specific public spheres, and their legislative consolidation. The state provides for the preparation and periodic updating of a number of strategies (national security, military security, cybersecurity, other documents), which should contain a list of major threats that currently exist in state and social development. Key words: challenge, threat, danger, risk, national security, hybridization of threats, risk society.


Author(s):  
A. Sliusarenko ◽  
T. Pshenychnyi

The events that are taking place today in the church field of the Ukrainian State testify to the importance of the national church in building the national security of the country. The union of the church with the state has been formed for centuries, and to consider the absence of this tandem today would be wrong. However, such an alliance can be dangerous for the state if the church provokes separatism, ignites national conflict, undermines the national security of the state. Evidence of this is the aggressive policy of the leaders of the Russian Orthodox Church towards Ukraine throughout history, which has turned the church into an instrument of political games. Thus, by annexing the Metropolitan of Kiev in 1686 and establishing a protectorate over the Ukrainian church space, the leaders of the Russian Orthodox Church did everything to destroy the Ukrainian church tradition. History of Ukraine of the twentieth century testifies to the repeated attempts of Ukrainians to get out of the grip of the Russian Orthodox Church and build their own independent Ukrainian Orthodox Church. A striking example of this is the All-Ukrainian Orthodox Church Council of 1918, which, in the context of national competitions of the Ukrainian people for their own state, brought to the agenda of the revolutionary events the question of independence of the Ukrainian Church. At the second session of the Council, the idea of autocephaly of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church for the first time in many years consolidated a small part of the Ukrainian church and political elite around it. This article is devoted to analyzing the documents of this council session. The author tries to present the main stages of the competition for the autocephaly of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church and the difficulties that have arisen.


2020 ◽  
pp. 29-41
Author(s):  
Maiia Moser

The purpose of the article is to analyze the linguistic situation in Ukraine and to discuss its relation to Ukrainian statehood. The current language situation mirrors the socio-political situation in Ukraine and interrelates with language legislation as practiced by Ukrainian institutions of state power. As of today, language legislation is one of the most powerful tools to strengthen the state and increase national stability. In Ukraine language was, is and continues to be a cornerstone of national unity and national security. At present, the Ukrainian language is widely believed to be essential for the persistence of the Ukrainian ethnos. It is an important tool for the consolidation of Ukrainian collective consciousness and the spiritual unity of society. Ukrainian society, which is faced with a number of serious problems, needs a revision of its state-building strategy for the sake of national security. A consolidation of Ukrainian society and a clear national idea is key for a prosperous future of Ukraine. The ethnos is the power of the nation. There is no state without a nation. Language plays a significant role for the conservation of the ethnic identity of a nation and its organization in a state. Namely, the civic society of a state has common interests, values, ideas, emotions etc., which are shared in the process of societal communication based on symbolic messages. These symbolic messages have to be codified in a state language, because, according to Wilhelm von Humboldt, language is the expression of the spirit of a people. Language reflects the level of the power of spiritual energy for the consolidation of national strength. All state mechanisms (the governmental apparatus, administrative and financial institutions) should guarantee the effective functioning of the Ukrainian state language in all spheres of societal life of Ukraine. As far as minority languages are concerned, the state can only guarantee their free development and their protection from suppression, but is not obliged to take on maximum obligations. In this study we discuss how linguistic and legal problems interrelate with basic human rights and freedom and how a consolidated language policy serves the national interests of Ukrainian society. The experience of the last decades, namely the period of Russian aggression against Ukraine, shows how different political forces use language legislation, e.g., the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, with manipulative intentions. National identity is constructed by such crucial parameters as language, historical experience and faith. According to current surveys, the majority of Ukrainians share distinctly pro-European views, although modern Ukrainian society is still shaken by disinformation and fake news. We offer a list of proposals that will help to consolidate national security in Ukraine.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vasyl Lyzanchuk ◽  

The author characterized the Ukrainian national values, national interests and national goals. It is emphasized that national values are conceptual, ideological bases, consolidating factors, important life guidelines on the way to effective protection of Ukraine from Russian aggression and building a democratic, united Ukrainian state. Author analyzes the functioning of the mass media in the context of educational propaganda of individual, social and state values, the dominant core of which are patriotism, human rights and freedoms, social justice, material and spiritual wealth of Ukrainians, natural resources, morality, peace, religiosity, benevolence, national security, constitutional order. These key national values are a strong moral and civic core, a life-giving element, a self-affirming synergy, which on the basis of homogeneity binds the current Ukrainian society with the ancestors and their centuries-old material and spiritual heritage. Attention is focused on the fact that the current problem of building the Ukrainian state and protecting it from the brutal Moscow invaders is directly dependent on the awareness of all citizens of the essence of national values, national interests, national goals and filling them with the meaning of life, charitable socio-political life. It is emphasized that the missionary vocation of journalists to orient readers and listeners to the meaningful choice of basic national values, on the basis of which Ukrainian citizens, regardless of nationality together they will overcome the external Moscow and internal aggression of the pro-Russian fifth column, achieve peace, return the Ukrainian territories seized by the Kremlin imperialists and, in agreement will build Ukrainian Ukraine.


2019 ◽  
pp. 628-637
Author(s):  
Serhii Zdioruk

The article deals with the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on the Ukrainian society and the problems that arise as a result. The author claims that the ROC and its branch, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, pursue a purposeful and systematic pol-icy of destruction of the autocephalous status of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and the policy of national unity in Ukraine. It is argued that on 3 April 2019, the Synod of the UOC of the Moscow Patriarchate reiterated that the ROC and the UOC (MP) will not concede to full and global recognition of the autocephalous status of the newly-established UOC. A wide range of tools is used for that purpose. The author analyses the attitude of the UOC (MP) to the Russian military aggression. He claims that part of the priests of the UOC (MP) openly supported terrorists and systematically cooperated with the invaders in the territories beyond Ukraine’s control. It is noted that the administration of the UOC (MP) adheres to the paradigm of the ‘Russian world’ and ‘spiritual unity of fraternal Ukrainian and Russian peoples’, therefore refusing to refer to the armed aggression in Donetsk, Luhansk and Crimea as the Russian aggression, occupation or hybrid war. It is stated that the UOC (MP) together with the ROC has become a strong instigator of a stressful situation in Ukrainian society through creating ‘multiple lines of confrontation’. They also regularly conduct information and manipulative campaigns aimed at discrediting Ukraine. In addition, they appeal to international organizations on the violation of hu-man rights in order to realize their own interests. The article elaborates upon the exploitation of religious issues by the Kremlin in the context of the attack on Ukrainian history. It is argued that Moscow considers part of the territory of Ukraine ‘the spiritual source of the formation of the Russian nation and the Russian state’. It is proposed to take a number of measures to neutralize the destructive influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on the consolidation of Ukrainian society. Keywords: Russian Orthodox Church, national interests of Ukraine, Russian aggression, hybrid war, Moscow Patriarchate, international religious relations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 471-488
Author(s):  
Orest Krasivskyy ◽  
Nadiia Pidberezhnyk

Condition and problems of ensuring the cultural security of Ukraine were analyzed. Hypothesis that ensuring development and sustainability of the cultural sphere, formation of a single Ukrainian socio-cultural space based on Ukrainian language, historical memory, spiritual values, cultural traditions is one of priority national interests of the Ukrainian state at the present stage was put forward. Research methodology is based on the principles of objectivity and systematicity. During the research, methods of scientific learning of socio-political phenomena and processes were used, in particular: analysis, synthesis, systematization, empirical, and system-structural methods. The authors prove that cultural traditions, historical memory, self-consciousness and language are key factors that constitute and consolidate a nation, and threats to the nation’s cultural interests can jeopardize its existence. It was found that the centuries-old policy of de-ethnicization and assimilation of Ukrainian ethnos by foreign states has led to deformation and russification of the national linguistic and cultural space of Ukraine, loss of ethnic identity based on the language factor of the titular Ukrainian ethnos, deepening the spiritual crisis of Ukrainian society. It is determined that the key threats in the field of cultural security of Ukraine today are the following: Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine, formation of information and cultural space of Ukraine under the influence of foreign information flows, imperfection of humanitarian policy in the context of cultivating Ukrainian national values, low level of development of cultural industries, dominance of foreign cultural and artistic products, control over Ukrainian media by financial and industrial groups that often take an anti-Ukrainian position. It was proved that the measures to assert and popularize Ukrainian language as the state language, ensure intercultural communication and interethnic socialization of ethnic subjects of Ukrainian society, formation of national-patriotic education, creation of competitive innovative cultural products and their popularization in the world should be priority directions of the state policy of ensuring cultural security of Ukraine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 91-99
Author(s):  
Donald Ostrowski

The early modern Russian government and Russian Orthodox Church identified as one of their main duties the ransoming of Russian Christians from Muslim Tatar captors. The process of ransoming could be an involved one with negotiations being carried on by different agents and by the potential ransomees themselves. Different amounts of ransom were paid on a sliding scale depending upon the ransomee’s social status, gender, and age. One of our main sources for the justification of this practice was the Stoglav (100 Chapters) Church Council in 1551, which discussed the issue of ransom in some detail. The Law Code (Ulozhenie) of 1649 specifies the conditions and amounts to be paid to redeem captives. Church writers justified the ransoming of Christian captives of the Muslim Tatars by citing Scripture, and they also specified that the government should pay the ransom out of its own treasury.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 60-64
Author(s):  
Evguenia Alexandrovna Belyaeva ◽  
Elena Aleksandrovna Venidiktova ◽  
Dilbar Valievna Shamsutdinova

Purpose: the aim of the undertaken study is to consider the dynamics of the church-state relationship in the context of Russian new cultural tendencies at the turn of the century. Methodology: Thus, The methodological basis of the research was formed by philosophical analysis of the church-state relationship, historicism and comparison principles. The following tasks were being solved: defining the interaction ways between the religious organizations and the state on the modern stage of the Russian society development; pointing out the prospects of consolidation of both the сhurch and the state around the democratic civil society fostering program in XXI century; revealing the need to promote respectful attitude towards human values as an integral part of spiritual culture. Result: The authors achieved the following results within the study: A wider notions of church and state were introduced demonstrating the similarity of some of their functions: offering moral guidance for social well-being; historic doctrinal models “caesaropapism”, “papocaesarism” and “symphony(concordance) of powers” were identified and characterized alongside with their secular counterparts - separation and cooperation models of church-state relationship. In conclusion of the article the urgent need for the transition of church-state relationship from political to social and cultural spheres was justified. Applications: This research can be used for the universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of Socio-Cultural Interaction Forms of Church and State on the Example of the Russian Orthodox Church is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.


Author(s):  
Sergey A. Kalinin

The reсonsidering of the methodological foundations of modern theoretical jurisprudence includes both the search for new approaches and the identification of the limits and conditions for their adequacy. At the same time, the needs for studying the interaction of the value-worldoutlook nature and the spatial conditionality of the state and law, considered in the logic of an open system, correspond with the geocultural approach. This approach is based on the multi-valued category “geoculture”, that allows one to comprehend the cultural codes and meanings of the transformation of reality and space (world projects), including those that exist as ideas about ideal forms of public power and social regulation. The geocultural approach may be part of such methodological phenomena as the worldoutlook research program, world-system analysis and geomeasurement. At the present stage, the geocultural approach of the worldoutlook research program is most suitable for analyzing the conflict of geocultures, allowing to take into account the replacement of geocultural standards, the crisis of the modern capita list world economy, legitimized by liberal geoculture, and the search for new mo dels of world order, carried out in the framework of the conflict of liberal and traditional values. The importance of understanding this conflict is due to the critical attitude of liberalism towards traditional statehood, its fulfillment of the role of an instrument of “controlled chaos” and an instrument of dominance of the West. The reсonsidering of liberal geoculture is permissible on the basis of the doctrines of traditional religious faiths, among which the Russian Orthodox Church is dominant in the post-Soviet space. Liberal geoculture is a multidimensional phenomenon, which at the same time puts forward the idea of protecting human rights and freedoms, and is an instrument for implementation of an elitist policy, characterized by excessive criticality in relation to the state and government, as well as any categories reflecting collective soli darity. Moreover, human rights, which are an integral part of liberal geoculture, initially stem from the Christian idea of a man as an ontologically free human being, the image and likeness of God, whose status metaphysically extends to anyone, but only his own. Substantially there are three interdependent problems in the phenomenon of human rights, the answer to which predetermines the practice of legal regulation: who is a person (in a particular geoculture), who is recognized as the ontological subject of human rights violations, who is recognized as the relevant subject of human rights protection. The complexity of the attitude of traditional Christianity to human rights, including denial (due to historical reasons for using human rights to marginalize Christianity), understanding, and recognition, is confirmed by the historical practice of the Russian Orthodox Church, which positively interprets this phenomenon in its conceptual documents at the present stage. The foregoing makes it expedient to use the canonical positions and official documents of traditional religious faiths in lawmaking and lawenforcement practice, which are the Russian Orthodox and Roman Catholic Churches for Belarus.


2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-27
Author(s):  
Ю. О. Загуменна

A comprehensive theoretical and legal study of the transformation of ideas about the nature of national security reform in domestic jurisprudence has been carried out. The author has defined the priorities and directions of the reform in the field of national security and, more importantly, its theoretical and methodological basis. It has been determined that the main object of the reform in the field of national security is the whole complex of public relations, which is subject to special protection by the system of entities of ensuring national security. The system of such social relations is centered around the defining national interests, which usually include the vital interests of a man, society and the state and the implementation of which ensures the state sovereignty, its progressive development, and safe living conditions and welfare of citizens. It has been noted that the main purpose of national security reform is to improve legislation and governance in the national security sector, which can provide qualitative strengthening in accordance with current and future needs of society to protect key national interests from external and internal real and potential threats. It has been concluded that national security is not considered in modern, both domestic and international science, exclusively as an “acquisition” and a sphere of monopoly responsibility of the state; we cannot eliminate the active participation of civil society structures, which should exercise public control over the course of such a reform and, if necessary, should have the tools of close communication with state authorities at the stage of initiating the reform, constructing its goals and objectives, directions and perspectives and at the stages of its implementation. Restriction of the capacity of the state, especially in times of economic crisis, highlights the need to optimize the participation of non-government actors in ensuring national security. Obviously, such activity of the non-governmental sector should be strongly encouraged by legislative instruments, legitimizing measures for national security reform through its close involvement and providing them with additional public support.


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