A Beleaguered Community? Waterford Loyalists during the Revolution, 1912–1924

2020 ◽  
pp. 223-244
Author(s):  
Pat McCarthy
Keyword(s):  
Full Measure ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Low Profile ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter discusses the experiences of loyalists in Waterford during the revolutionary decade. Though small in number, about 5% of the population, they were very influential economically and socially. Unlike in many other southern counties, they mobilised and demonstrated against Home Rule in 1912. Like other loyalist communities they rallied to the flag in 1914 and many of them were killed in battle. The survivors came home to a changed Ireland. They felt abandoned by the Ulster Unionists and that some form of Home Rule was now inevitable. They chose to keep a low profile during the War of Independence. There is no evidence of discrimination or violence against them during that phase of the revolution but in 1922 and 1923 members of the loyalist community were subject to opportunistic violence, often carried out in the name of the IRA. Some chose to leave the country, but most took their lead from Sir John Keane and played their part in building the new state, responding to the call of their newspaper, the Waterford Standard: ‘There is much that we can contribute to the building up of the new Ireland. We will give it in full measure.’

scholarly journals STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM IN IRELAND, 1919–1921

2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 723-745
Author(s):  
COLIN REID
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Public Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Revolution

ABSTRACTThe Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party's electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland's direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn's experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further.

Conclusion: Legal and Constitutional Legacies

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
William E. Nelson
Keyword(s):  
American Revolution ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Military Life ◽  
American States ◽  
Historical Literature ◽  
British Military ◽  
Reign Of Terror ◽  
Property Destruction ◽  
The Revolution

The conclusion makes two arguments. First, it takes the position common in the historical literature that the American Revolution was a comparatively placid one, with few killings of civilians, little property destruction, and no reign of terror. It argues that the placidity was a consequence of legal continuity—the same courts, judges, and juries that had governed the colonies in 1770 in large part continued to govern the new American states in 1780. During the course of the War of Independence itself, legal and constitutional change occurred almost entirely at the top, and, except in the few places occupied by the British military, life went on largely as it always had. The conclusion also argues that old ideas of unwritten constitutionalism persisted during and after the Revolution, but that a new idea that constitutions should be written to avoid ambiguity emerged beside the old ideas.

Southern Irish Loyalism from Home Rule Crisis to Republic: An Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Brian Hughes ◽  
Conor Morrissey
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Final Section ◽  
General Election ◽  
Free State ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The Third ◽  
Thematic Framework ◽  
Irish Free State

This chapter-length introduction provides a chronological, historiographical, and thematic framework for the volume. It begins by setting out the book’s remit, outlining its understanding of loyalism, and broadly defining the individuals and groups under consideration. The introduction then provides an overview of the history and historiography of southern Irish loyalism in three sections. The first covers the period from the third Home Rule bill in 1912 to the 1918 general election while the second takes in the Irish War of Independence (1919–21) and Irish Civil War (1922–23). This is followed by a final section on southern loyalists and loyalism after southern Irish independence, from the foundation of the Irish Free State in 1922 to the exit from the commonwealth and declaration of a republic in 1949.

The Irish War of Independence and The Irish Civil War

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Weihman
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Irish Republican Army ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The Third ◽  
The North ◽  
Guerrilla War ◽  
The United Kingdom

The Irish War of Independence (Irish: Cogadh na Saoirse), also known as the Anglo–Irish War, began in January 1919 as a guerrilla war waged by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) against the British Government. Ireland was formally a part of the United Kingdom as a result of the passing of the Acts of Union in 1800. In the late-nineteenth century, the Irish Parliamentary Party, led by Charles Stewart Parnell (1846–1891), advocated home rule for Ireland through cooperation with the Liberal Party in the English Parliament, but it was unsuccessful until the Third Home Rule Bill of 1912. This bill provoked Unionists in the north of Ireland to form the Ulster Volunteers, who feared a predominantly Catholic Irish Parliament in Dublin. In response, Nationalists formed the Irish Volunteers. The Third Home Rule Bill never took effect because of the outbreak of World War I; Irish troops fought with England in the war with the promise that home rule would be granted at the conflict’s end.

RACE, EMPIRE, AND THE LIMITS OF NINETEENTH-CENTURY SCOTTISH NATIONHOOD

2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 873-892 ◽  
Author(s):  
COLIN KIDD
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Racial Identity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The People ◽  
Late Nineteenth

Scotland's Unionist culture has already become a world we have lost, investigation of which is hampered by the misleading notion of a ‘Celtic fringe’. Nineteenth-century Lowland Scots were not classified as Celts; indeed they vociferously projected a Teutonic racial identity. Several Scots went so far as to claim not only that the Saxon Scots of the Lowlands were superior to the Celts of the Highlands, but that the people of the Lowlands came from a more purely Anglian stock than the population of southern England. For some Scots the glory of Scottish identity resided in the boast that Lowlanders were more authentically ‘English’ than the English themselves. Moreover, Scottish historians reinterpreted the nation's medieval War of Independence – otherwise a cynosure of patriotism – as an unfortunate civil war within the Saxon race. Curiously, racialism – which was far from monolithic – worked at times both to support and to subvert Scottish involvement in empire. The late nineteenth century also saw the formulation of Scottish proposals for an Anglo-Saxon racial empire including the United States; while Teutonic racialism inflected the nascent Scottish home rule movement as well as the Udal League in Orkney and Shetland.

Problems of the Development of Hungarian Industry, 1900–1944

1964 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
György Ránki
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Manufacturing Industry ◽  
Rapid Development ◽  
Capitalist Development ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Agricultural Produce ◽  
Revolution Of 1848 ◽  
Favorable Conditions ◽  
The Revolution

The revolution of 1848, by ending the system of serfdom, had created the basic conditions of Hungary's industrialization; however, since the revolution had remained incomplete and the War of Independence had been lost, the ensuing suppression by Austrian absolutism and the considerable feudal survivals proved a strong barrier to the way of social and economic progress. The Austro-Hungarian monarchy, a product of the Compromise of 1867, offered somewhat more favorable conditions for economic development. Nevertheless, the structure of the dual monarchy kept Hungary's industrialization within rather narrow limits: the absence of independent statehood and the existence of a common customs area with Austria exposed the Hungarian market to devastating competition from Austria's more advanced manufacturing industry; and since these circumstances helped to consolidate the political and economic power of the large landowners, the capital accumulating within the country served above all the capitalist development of agriculture. So towards the end of the nineteenth century, nearly half a century after the bourgeois revolution, Hungary was still a wholly agrarian country whose major exports were foodstuffs and agricultural produce. The rapid development of manufacturing industry began as late as the last decade of the nineteenth century and continued until the beginning of World War I, over a span of some twenty-five years.

ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΕΣ ΤΕΛΕΤΟΥΡΓΙΕΣ ΣΤΗ ΝΕΩΤΕΡΗ ΕΛΛΑΔΑ. Η ΜΕΤΑΚΟΜΙΔΗ ΤΩΝ ΟΣΤΩΝ TOΥ ΓΡΗΓΟΡΙΟΥ Ε' ΚΑΙ Η ΠΕΝΤΗΚΟΝΤΑΕΤΗΡΙΔΑ ΤΗΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ ΕΠΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΗΣ

Μνήμων ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
ΧΑΡΗΣ ΕΞΕΡΤΖΟΓΛΟΥ
Keyword(s):  
50Th Anniversary ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Modern Greece ◽  
Political Rituals ◽  
The Revolution

<p>Haris Exertzoglou, Political rituals in Modem Greece: the reburial ofPatriarch Gregory V and the 50th anniversary of the Greek Revolution</p><p>This paper explores political rituals in Modern Greece by focusing onthe 50th anniversary of the start of Greek War of Independence andthe particular place of a reburial procession in the celebrations. In 1871 the Greek state decided to proceed with the rehurial of Patriarch GregoryV, whose body, allegedly found a few days after his execution bythe Ottomans in 1821, was buried in Odessa. The decision was not simplya gesture of respect; it was meant to support the 50th anniversary ofthe Greek Revolution, and the reburial procession was planned as themain event of the celebration. As such, the reburial of Gregory V wasused as a means of making the heroic meaning of the Revolution visible,to attract mass attention and mobilize the participation of thepublic. Admittedly, the anniversary proved a major success. However,the reburial procession, the key event of the celebration, exposed atension in the celebration: not only the mourning dimension of theprocession was not compatible with the gay aspects of the nationalfeast, it also generated varied meanings, some of them directly opposingthe heroic memory of the Revolution and the irredentist prospects ofthe Greek state. This aspect suggests that, however successful, politicalrituals are inherently contradictory events always susceptible to various,even contingent, uses.</p>

scholarly journals Labour History in Ireland’s ‘Decade of Centenaries’

2021 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-269
Author(s):  
Emmet O’Connor
Keyword(s):  
Public Understanding ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Trade Union Movement ◽  
The Public ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Union Movement ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Labour History ◽  
The Republic ◽  
First World

In 2012 the governments in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland launched their Decade of Centenaries projects to ‘focus’ on ‘significant centenaries’ occurring between 2012 and 2022-3, with an unusual degree of co-ordination between them. The initiatives have generated major public interest in the commemoration of events like the third Home Rule crisis, the 1913 Lockout, the 1916 rising, the First World War, the War of Independence, extension of the franchise to women, and partition, and also in the meaning and relevance of historiography. This paper examines the thinking behind the Decade of Centenaries, the state of the Irish Labour History Society and Irish labour historiography, the involvement of state authorities with labour anniversaries, and the consequences for publications on labour and on the public understanding of labour historiography. While the Decade of Centenaries is patently an attempt to manage the remembrance of the controversies and violence that led to the creation of the two Irish states between 1920 and 1922, it has been beneficial for historians by encouraging popular engagement with the past. Traditionally, Irish labour historiography has been weak in its presence in the academy, but strong in its organic connections with the trade union movement. The Decade of Centenaries has allowed it to exploit its strength to secure greater state and public recognition. Among the positive outcomes have been a significant increase in the number of labour historians and publications on labour, and an extension of the ambit of labour history into new fields of enquiry.

Ottoman Attempts to Define the Rebels During the Greek War of Independence

2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (3) ◽  
pp. 316-354
Author(s):  
Yusuf Ziya Karabıçak
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Conceptual History ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

Abstract This article uses tools developed by conceptual history to examine what it might have meant for Ottoman officials in Istanbul to use the term Rum milleti during the Greek War of Independence. The revolution that started in 1821 has been seen as the first successful national uprising in Europe. It has long been ascertained that the Ottomans did not understand the national undertones that was seen in the declarations of the leaders of the Greek Revolution. Moreover, the Ottoman response to the eruption of this revolution has generally been examined in the context of Istanbul, Morea and the Danubian Principalities. The goal of this paper is to broaden our understanding of the intellectual and spatial limits of the Ottoman response to the Greek War of Independence. It starts with an examination of the Ottoman response to the French Revolution and to the Serbian revolt of 1804 to follow the trajectories of the term millet. It points out to the limitations of the Islamic understanding of the revolts of subject populations by testing some intellectual tools that were used to surpass such limitations.

scholarly journals Information and Disinformation in Late Colonial New Granada

1997 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Earle
Keyword(s):  
Spanish America ◽  
Unusual Feature ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
New Granada ◽  
Alexander Von Humboldt ◽  
The Press ◽  
Printed Word ◽  
Precise Role ◽  
Printing Presses ◽  
The Revolution

In 1814, Alexander von Humboldt, the great traveller and explorer of the Americas, drew attention to an unusual feature of the movement for independence in the Viceroyalty of New Granada: the establishment of printing presses and newspapersfollowedrather thanprecededthe outbreak of war. Humboldt was struck by the contrast New Granada's war of independence offered with the two more famous political revolutions of the age. A great proliferation of printed pamphlets and periodicals had preceded the outbreak of revolution in both the Thirteen Colonies and France. How curious, Humboldt commented, to find the process reversed in Spanish America. Humboldt is not alone in viewing the newspaper as the expected harbinger of change in the age of Atlantic revolution. While the precise role played by the printed word in the French and American revolutions remains a subject of debate, many historians acknowledge the importance of print in creating a climate conducive to revolutionary challenge. Were newspapers and the press really latecomers to the revolution in the Viceroyalty of New Granada, as Humboldt suggests? What does this tell us about late colonial New Granada? How, in the absence of a developed press, did information, revolutionary or otherwise, circulate within the viceroyalty? Moreover, what means were available to either the Spanish crown or the American insurgents to create and manipulate news and opinion? What, indeed, does it mean to speak of the spread of news in a society such as late colonial New Granada? This article seeks to address these questions.

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