Trends in Peace Research

2018 ◽  
pp. 1694-1711
Author(s):  
Nenad Putnik ◽  
Mladen Milošević

In this chapter, the authors discuss the phenomenon of interstate conflicts in cyber space. In the last twenty years, this issue has become more explicit, and countries are making increasingly frequent mutual cyber warfare and cyber espionage accusations. The political and military elite of conflicting countries perceive the situation as very serious and are preparing not only for defending their segment of cyber space, but for developing offensive strategies for cyber warfare, as well. The authors endeavor to contribute to peace research by examining the possibilities for achieving cyber détente, the idea promoted by Henry Kissinger in 2011. In this chapter, the authors identify and analyze problems whose solution should be the focus of the States Parties to cyber détente: the question of denotation and potential desecuritization of technical terms, the question of identification and classification of cyber threats and the problem of the legal framework for their opposition. In addition, the authors give guidelines for their solution, based on securitization theory.

Author(s):  
Nenad Putnik ◽  
Mladen Milošević

In this chapter, the authors discuss the phenomenon of interstate conflicts in cyber space. In the last twenty years, this issue has become more explicit, and countries are making increasingly frequent mutual cyber warfare and cyber espionage accusations. The political and military elite of conflicting countries perceive the situation as very serious and are preparing not only for defending their segment of cyber space, but for developing offensive strategies for cyber warfare, as well. The authors endeavor to contribute to peace research by examining the possibilities for achieving cyber détente, the idea promoted by Henry Kissinger in 2011. In this chapter, the authors identify and analyze problems whose solution should be the focus of the States Parties to cyber détente: the question of denotation and potential desecuritization of technical terms, the question of identification and classification of cyber threats and the problem of the legal framework for their opposition. In addition, the authors give guidelines for their solution, based on securitization theory.


Daedalus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M. Acton

The advent of cyber warfare exacerbates the risk of inadvertent nuclear escalation in a conventional conflict. In theory, cyber espionage and cyberattacks could enhance one state's ability to undermine another's nuclear deterrent. Regardless of how effective such operations might prove in practice, fear of them could generate escalatory “use-‘em-before-you-lose-‘em” pressures. Additionally, cyber threats could create three qualitatively new mechanisms by which a nuclear-armed state might incorrectly conclude that its nuclear deterrent was under attack. First, cyber espionage could be mistaken for a cyberattack. Second, malware could accidentally spread from systems that supported non-nuclear operations to nuclear-related systems. Third, an operation carried out by a third party could be misattributed by one state in a bilateral confrontation to its opponent. Two approaches to risk reduction are potentially viable in the short term: unilateral restraint in conducting potentially escalatory cyber operations, and bilateral or multilateral behavioral norms.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 5923-5926
Author(s):  
Mrs. A. Lakshmi Priya ◽  
S. Letitia

Cyber security is generally a conservatory of the conventional information system security that is aimed at protecting cyber threats, like cyber terrorism, cyber warfare, and cyber espionage to corrupt digital information. This leads to increase the researches in cyber security. This paper proposes the application of dual watermarking in cyber technology, focusing on forgery detection. The rest of the paper presents a brief overview of cyber security and the role of digital dual watermarking. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Shypovskyi ◽  
Volodymyr Cherneha ◽  
Serhiy Marchenkov

Recent events in Ukraine have shown that, along with the advancement of information technology, methods of conducting modern warfare are being enhanced. Cyberspace is deliberately used by the Russian Federation to commit cyber warfare against Ukraine. Therefore, in order to address their influence effectively, it is important not only successfully deal with its consequences but also to foresee the potential adversaryʼs actions by analyzing their previous operations and incorporating the lessons learned by other countries. Across the globe, including Ukraine, the issue of information security and cyberattacks has become exceedingly urgent. Everybody is aware of the ongoing attacks on information networks of various government agencies and energy firms, cyberattacks on e-mail networks of political parties and organizations around the world. Likewise, despite the steadily growing numbers, cyberattack cases against the individuals and private businesses are not reported as widely as they occur. As a result, The North Atlantic Alliance countries began tackling the issue of cyberthreats much earlier than Ukraine. Consequently, NATO and its allies rely on powerful and robust cyber defenses to ensure the Alliance's core tasks of collective defense. The article discusses methods and strategies for providing cyber defense in NATO member states and recommends ways to increase the level of protection in the state's cyber space, as part of Ukraineʼs national security and defense domain.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.


Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.


Author(s):  
Aleksey Bredikhin ◽  
Andrei Udaltsov

In the article the authors analyze the essence of propaganda as a means of implementing ideological function of the state. It is noted that propaganda is a mechanism of spreading information persuasive influence in the interpretation and estimation of state power representatives. The structure of propaganda is determined: beneficiary of propaganda, subjects of propaganda, content of propaganda, channels of realization of propaganda, addressee of propaganda, feedback system. Types of propaganda are distinguished: political, axiological, educational, preventive. The authors come to the conclusion that the basic directions and the propaganda content are established in normative acts and the programs and organizational actions accepted according to them. Along with the implementation of propaganda, the ideological function is implemented by prohibiting or restricting propaganda or other dissemination of information that endangers the foundations of the constitutional order and is otherwise aimed at destabilizing the political situation in the State, as well as prohibiting the propaganda of ideas that may harm the foundations of morality and morality. The mass media are essential in carrying out propaganda. The State widely uses this resource on an equal footing with other actors to disseminate ideas of public importance and uses the services of various communication agencies. However, the state forms a legal framework for the mass media, their rights and limitations, which still determines the special position of the state in this process.


2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. F. MERRITT

ABSTRACTStudies of the rise of London's vestries in the period to 1640 have tended to discuss them in terms of the inexorable rise of oligarchy and state formation. This article re-examines the emergence of the vestries in several ways, moving beyond this traditional focus on oligarchy, and noting how London's vestries raised much broader issues concerning law, custom, and lay religious authority. The article reveals a notable contrast between the widespread influence and activities of London vestries and the questionable legal framework in which they operated. The political and ecclesiastical authorities – and in particular Archbishop Laud – are also shown to have had very mixed attitudes towards the legitimacy and desirability of powerful vestries. The apparently smooth and relentless spread of select vestries in the pre-war period is also shown to be illusory. The granting of vestry ‘faculties’ by the authorities ceased abruptly at the end of the 1620s, amid a series of serious legal challenges, on both local and ideological grounds, to the existence of vestries. Their rise had thus been seriously contested and stymied well before the upheavals of the 1640s, although opposition to them came from multiple sources – Laudians, Henry Spelman and the royal Commission on Fees, and local parishioners – whose objectives could vary.


Author(s):  
Manzoor Naazer ◽  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Shughla Ashfaq

The paper scrutinizes the political rights situation during the first five years (1999-2004) of Pervaiz Musharraf era. Musharraf had come into power after army had revolted over his dismissal as army chief by the prime minister. He strove to project soft image of his government to get legitimacy within the country and recognition from the outside world, particularly the West. He portrayed himself as a liberal leader and later also propagated his idea of “enlightened moderation” as a panacea for the miseries of the Muslim world. Despite his overtures, the political rights situation became bleak during his military rule and no meaningful change took place even during the first two years after country returned to “democratic rule.” Musharraf government denied people of their political rights to prolong his authoritarian rule. His rule was characterized by: arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of political leaders; repression of political activities; imposition of forced exile; political victimization in the name of accountability; attacks on rights to elect the government; military’s direct grip over affairs of state despite transition to the civilian rule; intimidation of opposition over legal framework order; and limitations on freedom of association.


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