ECHELON and the NSA

Author(s):  
D. C. Webb

Communication via electronic systems such as telephones, faxes, e-mail, computers, etc., has enormously increased the volume and ease with which people and institutions can exchange messages and information. However, the associated technologies have also enabled the introduction of new sophisticated concepts and methods in interception and analysis for intelligence gatherers. One such method has been dubbed ECHELON and is used by which the United States and its partners in a worldwide intelligence alliance to intercept and analyse messages transmitted electronically from anywhere on Earth. The National Security Agency (NSA), based at Fort Mead in Maryland, is the US organisation most intimately involved in the operation of this covert surveillance system. This is the story of the methods developed and the institutions that adopt them and the debates and arguments that have accompanied their use from domestic surveillance to international commercial and political espionage.

Subject The US intelligence community in a year after purported reforms. Significance On December 29, an agreement between the United States, Japan and South Korea to share intelligence on North Korea went into effect. This ended a year in which the US intelligence community was the subject of broad domestic public scrutiny in the light of continued fallout from former National Security Agency (NSA) contractor Edward Snowden's leaks to a Senate report on the CIA's use of torture. The White House's support for reforms has been watched by tech and telecoms businesses that have lost considerable revenue from reputational damage as a result of the growing awareness of requirements on them of US intelligence activities. Impacts The Obama administration will rely on the US intelligence community as its main counterterrorist instrument. A Republican Congress will be less likely to support intelligence reforms, though only marginally so. There is no indication that the balance of power on intelligence issues between the executive and legislative branches has shifted.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda J. Bilmes

AbstractThe United States has traditionally defined national security in the context of military threats and addressed them through military spending. This article considers whether the United States will rethink this mindset following the disruption of the Covid19 pandemic, during which a non-military actor has inflicted widespread harm. The author argues that the US will not redefine national security explicitly due to the importance of the military in the US economy and the bipartisan trend toward growing the military budget since 2001. However, the pandemic has opened the floodgates with respect to federal spending. This shift will enable the next administration to allocate greater resources to non-military threats such as climate change and emerging diseases, even as it continues to increase defense spending to address traditionally defined military threats such as hypersonics and cyberterrorism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 11-21
Author(s):  
Matthew Dotzler

The conflict between Turkey and the Kurds is once again reaching a boiling point. Following the defeat of ISIL in northern Iraq and Syria, Turkey is now concerned that the returning Kurdish militias pose a threat to its national security. The United States, as an ally to both parties, finds itself in a unique position to push for diplomatic solutions and to mediate the conflict before it grows out of control once again. This paper will examine the history of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict, the actors involved, and how US foreign policy can be used to try and deter yet another war in the region.


Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent

This chapter focuses on the Iraq war of 2003–11 and the troubles in the Middle East. George W. Bush’s advisers, led by Dick Cheney and Don Rumsfeld, had been considering an attack on Iraq well before 9/11. At the same time, many experts within the government pointed to the lack of any evidence for Iraqi-sponsored terrorism directed against the United States. The threats to US national security were outlined to Bush in a briefing just prior to his inauguration; these threats came primarily from al-Qaeda’s terrorism and the proliferation of nuclear arms and other weapons of mass destruction (WMDs). The chapter first considers the US decision to invade Iraq, before discussing the war, taking into account the US’s Operation Iraqi Freedom and the war’s costs to the US and to Iraq. It also examines the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and concludes with an assessment of the ‘Arab Spring’.


Author(s):  
Nuri Gökhan Toprak

The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.


Author(s):  
N. P. Gribin

Under the Goldwater-Nichols Defense Department Reorganization Act of 1986, the President of the United States must submit to Congress each year a report on the national security strategy. This report under the name of “National Security Strategy” is intended to be a comprehensive statement anticipating the worldwide interests, goals and objectives that are deemed crucial to the national security of the United States. The new “National Security Strategy” (December 2017) lays out the strategic vision of the Presidential Administration under Donald Trump about ways and means by which the US seeks to deal with internal and external threats. The authors of the Strategy set themselves the main task of proving that American security is based on the realization that American principles are: “a lasting force for good in the World.”  The authors of the Strategy prioritize the protection of the American way of life and American interests all over the world. In that aspect, they see the main danger from the hostile states and non-states actors who are “trying to acquire different types of weapons”. In addition, the administration is demonstrating concerns about the activity of international terrorist organizations (jihadist), transnational criminal organizations, drug cartels and cybercrime. Different from previous similar documents, Trump’s Strategy makes an evident accent on economic security as an important part of national security. The task in that area is “to rebuild economic strength at home and preserve a fair and reciprocal international system.” In a rather confronting manner, the Strategy assesses the role of China and Russia in the international affairs. It underlines that between the main sets of challengers – “the revisionist powers of China and Russia and the rogue states of Iran and North Korea”, the United States will seek areas of cooperation with competitors but will do so from a position of strength. The Strategy pays great attention to restoring military capability of the US. It is stressed that military strength remains a vital component of the competition for influence. In a certain sense, the authors of the Strategy demonstrate a new approach to the role of diplomacy, and especially in regards to the tools of economic diplomacy, intended to protect the US “from abuse by illicit actors”. Pillar four of the Strategy outlines considerations for expanding US influence on a global scale and for supporting friendly partners. As stated in the Strategy, American assistance to developing countries should help promote national interests and vice versa. The US will use all means, including sanctions, to “isolate states and leaders that pose a threat to the American interests.” The Strategy pays much attention to the regional aspect of national security, and, from these positions, the situation in various parts of the world (the Indo-Pacific region, Europe, the Middle East, etc.) is assessed. The authors emphasize that changes in the balance of power at the world level can cause global consequences and threaten American interests and US security. On the contrary, “stability reduces the threats that Americans face at home.”


2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
W.C. Stewart ◽  
J.A. Stewart ◽  
L.A. Nelson ◽  
B. Kruft

Purpose To evaluate physician use of prostaglandins (latanoprost, travoprost, and bimatoprost) in the United States (US) and Europe (EU). Methods One thousand multiple-choice surveys were distributed via e-mail in the US and EU. Results The authors received 71 responses (US 40 [8%] and EU 31 [6%]). Physicians preferred prostaglandin monotherapy (US 39 [98%] and EU 22 [71%], p=0.003), usually latanoprost (US 32 [80%] and EU 22 [71%], p=0.45). When more efficacy was required, US physicians would typically switch (23 [58%]) and EU physicians would add therapy (22 [71%], p=0.007). In both continents 45% of respondents stated bimatoprost was more efficacious. Conclusions US and EU physicians prefer prostaglandin monotherapy, most commonly latanoprost. Bimatoprost is often perceived as more effective, but having a higher incidence of conjunctival hyperemia.


Author(s):  
A. A. Sobenin

The article analyzes the existing information systems of criminal justice in the United States both at the federal and state levels. The features of the functioning of the federal systems of criminal justice are noted. An assessment of the activities of state information systems is given, the features of the work of some of them are given. The criteria are highlighted that made it possible to carry out a comparative legal analysis of state information systems. Close attention is paid to the activities of electronic systems of bodies carrying out preliminary investigation in the United States. The author’s classification of complex information systems of the US criminal justice is proposed.


Author(s):  
Pavel A. Aksenov

Over the past several years, the United States has taken a leading position in the world in attractiveness to foreign investors, largely due to the policy of favoring foreign investment and the absence of significant restrictions on incoming FDI. Currently the United States are trying to find a balance between openness to foreign investment and emerging issues related to the economy and national security. As a result of the adoption of the Foreign Investment Risk Review Modernization Act in 2018, the authority of the US Foreign Investments Committee was significantly expanded and the requirements for transactions were tightened, in particular, monitoring and verification of compliance with national security requirements. Despite the fact that these measures affected all incoming FDI in the United States, they are primarily an instrument of competition between the United States and China. Restrictions on outbound investment by China, as well as new requirements on the part of the United States, have significantly reduced the flow of FDI from China to the United States, especially in high-tech industries and infrastructure projects. Meanwhile, the US direct investment in China has remained stable over the past few years. In addition, there are some industry regulations on the share of foreign investors in the capital of energy companies, broadcasting companies, banks and others. Investment relations between the two countries, according to the investors, despite political and trade contradictions, remain quite close.


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