Healthcare Aid Between the USA and China During the Cold War

The best propaganda is not propaganda; instead, superpowers should provide resources to developing countries during this information age to enable economic growth. A country may obtain the outcomes it wants in the world politics because other countries—admiring its values, emulating its example, aspiring to its level of prosperity and openness—want to follow it. In this sense, it is also important to set the agenda and attract others in world politics and not only to force them to change by threatening military force or economic sanctions. This soft power—getting others to want the outcomes that you want—co-opts people rather than coercing them.

Author(s):  
Daniel Deudney

The end of the Cold War left the USA as uncontested hegemon and shaper of the globalization and international order. Yet the international order has been unintentionally but repeatedly shaken by American interventionism and affronts to both allies and rivals. This is particularly the case in the Middle East as the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as well as the nuclear negotiations with Iran show. Therefore, the once unquestioned authority and power of the USA have been challenged at home as well as abroad. By bringing disorder rather than order to the world, US behavior in these conflicts has also caused domestic exhaustion and division. This, in turn, has led to a more restrained and as of late isolationist foreign policy from the USA, leaving the role as shaper of the international order increasingly to others.


Author(s):  
Beate Jahn

Since the end of the Cold War, peacebuilding operations have become an integral part of world politics—despite their continuing failures. This chapter provides an account of peacebuilding operations in practice and identifies cycles of failure and reform, namely the successful integration of peacebuilding into the fabric of the world order despite its continuing failures. It traces these dynamics back to the internal contradictions of liberalism and argues that the main function of peacebuilding operations lies in managing the tensions and contradictions inherent in a liberal world order. Peacebuilding—in one form or another—is therefore likely to persist for the duration of a liberal world order.


Author(s):  
Celso Amorim

In the last years of the twentieth century, after the end of the Cold War, the world has evolved into a mixed structure, which preserves the characteristics of unipolarity at the same time that approaches to a multipolar world in some ways. In an international reality marked by its fluid nature, the emergence of new actors and the so-called "asymmetric threats" has not eliminated the former agents in the world order. And the conflict between the States has not disappeared from the horizon. In this context, diplomacy must have the permanent support of defense policy. Therefore, in the Brazilian case, the paper presents that the country should adopt a grand strategy that combines foreign policy and defense policy, in which soft power will be enhanced by hard power.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 235-266
Author(s):  
Öner Buçukcu

The United Nations is grounded on the Westphalian state system. Throughout the de-colonizationperiod, the Organization ceased to be peculiar to the West only, and soon became the prevalent model in theentire globe. The Cold War also solidified and institutionalized the Westphalian State as the fundamentalprinciple in international relations. The end of the Cold War, however, along with the collapse of theEastern bloc, the challenges of peace and security in Africa, and the failure of the states in coping withhumanitarian crises increasingly made the three fundamental principles of Westphalian state, namely the“non-interventionism”, “sovereign-equality” and “territoriality” disputable among political scientists. Newapproaches and arguments on the end of the Classical Westphalian state and the emergence of a so-called“New Medieval Age” have widely been circulated. This paper alternatively suggests that, since the end of thecold war, the world politics has gradually and decisively been evolving into a system of states that could becalled Neo-Westphalian.


2020 ◽  
pp. 163-169
Author(s):  
OKSANA CHEBERYAKO ◽  
VIKTOR KOLESNYK ◽  
ALINA GAIDUCHENKO

The beginning of the third millennium was marked by the desire of the leader countries (USA, China, and Russia) to geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic redistribution of spheres of influence. The collapse of the USSR, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the end of the Cold War did not bring the world closer to stability and security. Military force capabilities continue to be considered as one of the most powerful factors in world politics. Proof of this is the intensification of the struggle of the world›s superpowers for regional and global leadership, control over oil, gas and energy flows. It is worth mentioning the Transnistrian conflict, Russia-Led wars in South Ossetia and Abkhazia, the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008, the civil war in Syria, the intensification of Islamic extremism within the ISIS, Russia›s annexation of Crimea, the hybrid war unleashed and continues to wage by the Russian Federation against Ukraine. In this connection, it is becoming increasingly important to provide corresponding levels for the defense budget funding. Thus, the study of the peculiarities of defense financing in Ukraine and powerful military superpowers is of considerable scientific, practical and political interest. Comparing the defense expenditures of different countries makes it possible to identify key problem issues in the defense financing of Ukraine and bring the corresponding costs to international standards. This indicator is one of the most important criteria that characterize the state›s desire for development, relevant combat readiness of the armed forces and other military forces in the face of new challenges. The last years of the previous century were characterized by global geopolitical changes and growing contradictions, which resulted in: the transformation of the bipolar model (USA - USSR) into a multipolar (powerful military superpowers - the USA, Russia, China, Saudi Arabia, France, Japan, Germany, India, Brazil)); globalization of world economic processes; erosion through «hybrid wars», which are a new kind of global confrontation in today›s destabilized international security environment, the facets of the division between war and peace. The availability of weapons of mass destruction and high-precision weapons in the third millennium, the growth of their capacity, the complexity of military equipment and combat assets, the use of new methods and means of warfare have led to significant changes in the functions and tasks of the armed forces, increasing their number and government spending on defense purposes. Today there are about 200 armies in the world with a total number of 24-25 million people (about 0.4% of the world›s population) (Military..., 2002). The state of the troops of any state must correspond to its economic capabilities and at the same time ensure the implementation of national security tasks.


2019 ◽  
Vol IV (IV) ◽  
pp. 468-475
Author(s):  
Shabnam Gul ◽  
Aftab Alam ◽  
Muhammad Faizan Asghar

The USA, the victor of the Cold War, became supper power in 1992 and started to exercise its hegemony in the world. China, a Cold War ally of the US, became a stronger economy and came forward to encounter the Primacy of the US in Asia. In the name of peaceful development and cooperation, China has become the supreme exporter of the world and the second economy of the world. The advancement PRC has made in the arena of technology, military, space technology, its engagements in different regions, its soft balancing strategy in the world displays that China wants to perform as a forthcoming hegemon of the world. This paper analyze both the soft and hard balancing tactics of China to counter the omnipotence of the US in different regions of the world. The strategies of China illustrates that it is searching for a multipolar world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12(48) (4) ◽  
pp. 69-85
Author(s):  
Alla Kyrydon ◽  
Sergiy Troyan

Conceptual approaches to understanding the current stage of the evolution of international relations were put in place during the destruction of the bipolar world of the Cold War and the formation of new foundations of the world and international order. The distinctiveness of this process is that the collapse of the postwar system took place in peaceful conditions. Most often, two terms are used to describe the interconnectedness and interdependence of world politics after the fall of the Iron Curtain: the post-bipolar (post-westphalian) international system or international relations after the end of the Cold War. Two terms, post-bipolar international system and international relations after the end of the Cold War, have common features, which usually allows them to be used as synonyms and makes them the most popular when choosing a common comprehensive definition for the modern international relations. The collapse of the Soviet bloc and the global bipolar system put on the agenda issues that cannot be resolved within the traditional terms “poles,” “balance of power,” “configuration of the balance of power” etc. The world has entered a period of uncertainty and growing risks. the global international system is experiencing profound shocks associated with the transformation of its structure, changes in its interaction with the environment, which accordingly affects its regional and peripheral dimensions. In modern post-bipolar relations of shaky equilibrium, there is an obvious focus on the transformation of the world international order into a “post-American world” with the critical dynamics of relations between old and new actors at the global level. The question of the further evolution of the entire system of international relations in the post-bipolar world and the tendency of its transformation from a confrontational to a system of cooperation remains open.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
pp. 494-504
Author(s):  
Dong-Ching Day

When the Tiananmen Incident happened and the Berlin Wall collapsed in 1989 that indicated the end of the Cold War, some scholars predicted that China’s democratization would be realized in the short term. However, China not only didn’t become a democratic country, but also overtook Japan as the world number two economy in 2010; probably it will replace US as the world number one economy in 2030 which highly challenge the theory of economic growth bringing democratization. How come modernization theory doesn’t apply to China case after its rapid economic growth for decades?  The easiest way to argue why China hasn’t become democratic country based on theories of democratization is that they couldn’t fit into China’s special situation. If that is the case, then further question will be why China’s situation is so special and what are behind it. This paper is trying to explain why China hasn’t democratized from the perspective of identity, and elaborate that ‘Four insistences’, ‘Being bullied experiences’, and ‘Democracy’s disorder and China model’ are those factors enhancing China’s identity. If those factors don’t change, it is hard to see China democratization happening in the foreseeable future.


Author(s):  
Umar Suryadi Bakry

<p>This article tries to explain some thoughts on the importance of cultural factors in the study of International Relations (IR).  The mainstream theories of international relations since the end of the World War II have ignored the role of cultural factors in world politics. But, after the Cold War era in 1990s, culture began to enter the center of research on international relations.  After the Cold War ended, cultural factors become particularly prominent and began to gain more attention from the scholars of International Relations. There are at least three prominent theories which are increasingly taking into account the role of cultural factors in international relations, that is, Huntington’s “clash of civilization” theory, Nye’s “soft power” theory, and constructivism theory. In addition, since the 1990s, many studies conducted by IR scholars have focused on the relationship between culture and the foreign policy of a country. The emergence of international culturology as a sub-field of IR studies further confirms that culture is an important variable in international relations.</p>


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