The Gaelic Athletic Association and Home Rule

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-74
Author(s):  
Freddy Pignon
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Total Separation ◽  
The Creation

When Michael Cusack founded the Gaelic Athletic Association in 1884, the political debate in Ireland was dominated by Home Rule. The creation of the GAA may have found inspiration in the growing nationalist movement led by Charles Stewart Parnell, but the Irish Parliamentary Party may also have been bolstered by the sporting organisation’s ideal of reviving the national identity through the preservation of its traditional games. The GAA undoubtedly conferred legitimacy on the political movement which peaked in December 1885 with a wide electoral success and then with the introduction of the first Home Rule Bill. But Home Rule did not exactly mean the same in sport as in politics. Even though Michael Cusack was not hostile to power sharing with the unionist leaders of existing athletic associations, the failure of his first attempts to democratise Irish sport led him to defend a more radical position implying total separation from his counterparts under British supervision. The Home Rule movement certainly benefited from the GAA’s nationalist and cultural stance to develop Irish consciousness. But the likelihood of self-government was compromised by the own image of the GAA’s administration whose sectarianism and internal disputes over its political nature could hardly convince unionists of their interest to agree with the principle of Home Rule.

Defining Liberalism: the first Home Rule crisis in the Scottish capital

2016 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-30
Author(s):  
M. K. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Perceived Threat ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Traditional Assessment ◽  
Core Value ◽  
Irish Question

The nature of liberalism was at the heart of the political debate surrounding the first Irish Home Rule bill in Edinburgh. The rhetoric of the campaign was dominated by the fight for the ownership of liberalism, and it was pivotal for all the candidates standing in Edinburgh to present themselves as liberals, and to define their stance on the Irish question by associating it to a core value of liberalism. Democracy and the protection of minorities were the two values used to justify the candidates’ stances on Irish Home Rule, and the perceived threat of Irish Catholicism was often the focus of the associated arguments. The discourse that resulted from this justification centred on a fight to define the essence of liberalism. Therefore, the Irish Home Rule debate in Edinburgh demonstrates that the Liberal split was more nuanced than the traditional assessment of a Whig versus Radical split. Instead, the debate on the Irish question signified the struggle of liberalism.

John Redmond and federalism in 1910

2001 ◽  
Vol 32 (127) ◽  
pp. 343-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wheatley
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Court Proceedings ◽  
Weekly Journal ◽  
Political Radicalism

In early August 1910 readers of Reynolds’s Newspaper, a radical weekly journal noted as much for its detailed coverage of divorce court proceedings as for its political radicalism (and in 1911 one of the ‘immoral’ English Sunday papers targeted by Irish ‘vigilance committees’), may have perused the weekly political column written by T.P. O’Connor. ‘T.P.’, the M.P. for Liverpool Scotland, was anything but a disinterested columnist, and with John Redmond, John Dillon and Joseph Devlin formed the inner leadership of the Irish Parliamentary Party and Ireland’s nationalist movement.Throughout the political crisis of early 1910 O’Connor had been the main London-based conduit for communications between the Irish Party and Asquith’s cabinet, and in particular Lloyd George and the Liberal chief whip, the Master of Elibank. The outcome of the January 1910 general election, which had given the balance of power in the House of Commons to the Irish nationalists, and John Redmond’s use of that power to force Asquith to act to end the veto powers of the House of Lords over parliamentary legislation, had enhanced both Redmond’s status in Ireland and the importance of home rule as an issue that had to be resolved.

1918–1920

2021 ◽  
pp. 137-150
Author(s):  
Daniel-Joseph MacArthur-Seal
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
The Future ◽  
National Movements ◽  
Southern Russia ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

The sub-chapter traces major military and political developments in the eastern Mediterranean in 1918–1920, beginning with the arrival of British and Allied forces in Istanbul. It sketches out the political debate over the future of the city and wider Ottoman Empire through the series of Allied diplomatic meetings that set out the terms of what would become the Treaty of Sèvres. The chapter also summarises developments in Anatolia following the Greek occupation of Izmir in May 1919, the reaction to which crystalized the emerging nationalist movement in Anatolia, and in southern Russia and the Caucasus, where Bolshevik and White Russian forces competed for control with non-Russian national movements. Finally, it outlines the political debate over the future of Egypt and the impact of the revolution of 1919, one of a growing number of anti-colonial uprisings which Britain was forced to contend with in the period.

Discourse and Disinformation on COVID-19 Vaccination in Spain and Brazil

2022 ◽  
pp. 279-306
Author(s):  
Claudio Luis de Camargo Penteado ◽  
Eva Campos-Domínguez ◽  
Patrícia Dias dos Santos ◽  
Denise Hideko Goya ◽  
Mario Mangas Núñez ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Online Debate

This chapter addresses the creation of political conflict on Twitter in a comparative study between Brazil and Spain. Based on an analysis of the political debate on dealing with two countries' health crises, it analyses the most retweeted messages published during the first week of vaccination in Europe and the Americas. Firstly, it analysed the general characteristics of the online debate on the immunisation of COVID-19. Secondly, it carried out an analysis of information disorder in each country. Although governmental positions in both countries are opposed, the results allow establishing common patterns of polarized profiles in both countries that question the management of the pandemic. It can be seen how political polarization is shaped as a characteristic of disinformation in both countries. That reveals that, after the health crisis, there is a crisis of democratic institutions that impact public health actions, but specifically to combat COVID-19.

Citizenship, Migration, and Confessional Democracy in Lebanon

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 250-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thibaut Jaulin
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Decisions ◽  
Citizenship Regime ◽  
The Way

No major citizenship reform has been adopted in Lebanon since the creation of the Lebanese citizenship in 1924. Moreover, access to citizenship for foreign residents does not depend on established administrative rules and processes, but instead on ad hoc political decisions. The Lebanese citizenship regime is thus characterized by immobilism and discretion. This paper looks at the relationship between citizenship regime and confessional democracy, defined as a system of power sharing between different religious groups. It argues that confessional democracy hinders citizenship reform and paves the way to arbitrary naturalization practices, and that, in turn, the citizenship regime contributes to the resilience of the political system. In other words, the citizenship regime and the political system are mutually reinforcing.

scholarly journals Neoliberalizm i desekularyzacja jako dwa wymiary reform edukacji we współczesnej Turcji

1970 ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
Dobrochna Hildebrandt-Wypych
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Educational Change ◽  
Educational Reforms ◽  
National State ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Religious Symbols ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Civic Religion ◽  
Turkish Society ◽  
Faith Schools

The text focuses on neoliberalism and desecularisation as two major dimensions of social and educational change in contemporary Turkey. Key educational reforms of recent years are discussed from the perspective of the conservative-religious turn in Turkish society and politics, particularly noticeable from 2002, i.e. the first AKP electoral success. However, the origins of the Oriental-Western duality of identity, as well as the “use” of Islam for strengthening the new Turkish national identity, can be traced back to Kemalist policy of secularisation and modernization of Turkish society. This peculiar merge of neoliberal and religious symbols is also visible in education, where selforientalizing, nationalizing and secularizing discourses mix with the pressure on selection, effectiveness and competition in the “western” style. Therefore, the rising importance of faith schools in present day Turkey has also been discussed in the light of the historical Kemalist concept of transformation of Islam and the creation of national, state-controlled “civic religion”.

scholarly journals France and The European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages: Dilemma without Solution

2015 ◽  
pp. 118-125
Author(s):  
E. V. Ermakova
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Current Debate ◽  
Minority Languages ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Regional Or Minority Languages ◽  
Regional Languages ◽  
The Impact

There are more than seven thousand of unique languages nowadays, that reflect the uniqueness of the living conditions, the worldview and cultural traditions of different peoples. According to UNESCO, 75 languages in Europe and Asia Minor and about 115 languages in the United States over the past five centuries have been lost. The regional or minority languages are part of the national heritage and play leading role in the process of national identity as bearers and guarantors of national culture and national identity, that is why the value of regional languages is constantly increasing. However, the danger of the growth of nationalism and separatism makes politicians wary of measures to protect the national languages. The article deals with the political debate in France around the ratification of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, adopted by the Council of Europe on 25 June 1992, which purpose was to protect the historical regional languages of the EU, some of which are in danger of eventual extinction.. The author provides analysis of the historical preconditions of the current debate as well as of the stance taken by the French leadership on this issue. The study is based on a set of scientific methods and approaches - the principle of scientific objectivity and system of historical research. The main methods are problematic and historical-comparative analysis, classification and comparison of the political and historical concepts. Modern France de jure firmly follows linguistic traditions laid down by previous regimes, as defined in its constitution as the principles of the indivisibility of the Republic and the unity of the French people. According to Article 2 of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, French language is the only official. However, in addition to the French 75 languages are being spoken all over the Overseas Departments and Territories of France, including 24 languages of the indigenous population of the European part of France, and the languages of immigrants. Despite the fact that the ratification of the Charter serve certain political figures, the Conseil d'Etat, the highest judicial authority in administrative cases, and later the Constitutional Council refused to ratify the Charter, due to the fact that the provisions of the Charter are contrary to the Constitution. The question of amending the Constitution of France is facing fierce debate and remains unresolved for nearly a decade. The political problem is the impact of the application of the Charter, by the fact that at all times promoting one language at the expense of others become a catalyst for powerful and very dangerous social and political processes.

Introduction

Iraq ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adeed Dawisha
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political History ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Governing Institutions ◽  
The Way

This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine the political development of Iraq from the inception of the state in 1921 to the post-2003 years of political and societal turmoil. Its premise is that from the very beginning of the state the Iraqi project in fact devolved into three undertakings: the consolidation of the state and its governing institutions, the legitimization of the state through the framing of democratic structures, and the creation of an overarching, and thus unifying, national identity. The book is different from other studies of Iraq's political history, in that it traces the development of each of the three projects of governance, democracy, and national identity separately, while at the same time highlighting the way they impacted and shaped one another. The remainder of the chapter discusses the roots of the predicament of post-2003 Iraq.

scholarly journals “Our Home - Russia” as the Movement of Bright Centrism (1995-1999)

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 409-420
Author(s):  
Artemiy A Stepanov
Keyword(s):  
Primary Sources ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Science Literature ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Genetic Method ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Regional Project ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Soviet Russia

The article deals with the political movement “Our Home - Russia” (NDR) as the first attempt of the creation of the “party of power” in post-soviet period. The aim of this work is to analyze the experience of the NDR and the reasons of the failure of this project. In the course of the study, the historical genetic method, M. Duverger’s partological analysis, and A. Gramsci’s theory were used. The author turned to the political science literature on parties and elections in the Russian Federation and used NDR’s materials and publications of federal mass media as primary sources. In 1995 the movement was created with the experience and the basis of the preceding pro-Kremlin project the “Democratic Choice of Russia” (DVR). Unlike the DVR, it was built on the B. Eltsin’s initiative who needed the support in the State Duma all the time. The prime minister V. Chernomyrdin headed this union and members of political and financial elite of federal and regional levels became its leaders. Despite their strength the movement did not become full-fledged «party of power» because of the communists` domination in the Duma and the lack of large electoral support. The «Our Home - Russia» like DVR could not make effective regional divisions and spread its influence among people masses. The inner split, weakness of Chernomyrdin’s figure and the absence of due president’s support were the causes of its fail in the parlamentary elections of 1999. Nevertheless, the NDR became the first centrist movement in post-Soviet Russia, which retained loyalty to the Kremlin to the end. The union worked out new forms, for example, drew public organizations to its side and for the first time used «name tactics» in the 1995 elections. These developments were useful in the creation of the next, much more successful pro-regional project - the «United Russia».

Liberal emplacement

Focaal ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 2007 (49) ◽  
pp. 45-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Staffan Löfving
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Living Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Societal Transformation ◽  
Liberal Peace ◽  
Spatial Movement ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Meaning Of Home ◽  
Guerrilla Movement

This article is about the changing meaning of home among people engaged in the Guatemalan guerrilla movement. It shows that during the war, the revolutionary committed struggled for home more in terms of communal spheres of insurgent societal transformation than in terms of the defense or reconstruction of family or house. Though the counterinsurgency state was bent on their annihilation, it was only with the implementation of liberal peace that their commitment was ultimately destroyed. Most of them then opted for 'return' to their pre-war settlements and they gave up the political project of preserving their progressive civil organization. 'Home' under liberal peace in post-revolutionary Central America is continuously held together mainly by the migration of youth in search of opportunities elsewhere as hope for improved living conditions has become a question no longer of transforming but of leaving society in order to save oneself and/or one's household. The notion of liberal emplacement is brought forward in this article to conceptualize the destruction of political movement through the creation of an individualized necessity of spatial movement.

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