Youth Bulge in a Pandemic-Stricken World

2022 ◽  
pp. 30-51
Author(s):  
Madiha Batool

As the year 2020 dawned, the world underwent a paradigmatic shift that impacted all aspects of life. While it is axiomatic that the coronavirus pandemic left an indelible effect on all age groups, the author is especially interested in analysing the impressions that the pandemic can leave on the lives of youth. With history providing anecdotes of contagions having led to political violence and widespread massacres, this chapter will explore how the current pandemic can lead to youth radicalisation in an age of social media and in countries witnessing youth bulge. This study will be carried out at the intersection of international relations, international security, and political psychology and within the parameters of youth bulge, social-psychology, and radicalisation. In doing so, the author will propose a prognostic approach to provent youth radicalisation rather than prevent it in retrospect.

ISIS Propaganda offers a comprehensive overview and analysis of the Islamic State’s (IS) propaganda. Combining a range of different theoretical perspectives from across the social sciences and using rigorous methods, the authors pursue several interconnected tasks. They trace the origins of IS’s message, they lay bare the strategic logic guiding its evolution, they examine each of its many components (magazines, videos, music, social media, etc.) and show how they work together to radicalize audiences’ worldviews, and they highlight the challenges such a “full-spectrum propaganda” raises in terms of counterterrorism. The volume hence not only represents a one-stop point for any analyst of IS and Salafi-jihadism, but also a rich contribution to the study of text and visual propaganda, radicalization and political violence, and international security.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (02) ◽  
pp. 408-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Sjoberg

InGender and International Security: Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security, J. Ann Tickner (1992) identified three main dimensions to “achieving global security”—national security, economic security, and ecological security: conflict, economics, and the environment. Much of the work in feminist peace studies that inspired early feminist International Relations (IR) work (e.g., Brock-Utne 1989; Reardon 1985) and many of Tickner's contemporaries (e.g., Enloe 1989; Peterson and Runyan 1991; Pettman 1996) also saw political economy and a feminist conception of security as intrinsically interlinked. Yet, as feminist IR research evolved in the early 21st century, more scholars were thinking either about political economy or about war and political violence, but not both.


Author(s):  
A. A. Orlov

Specifics of present moment of historical development is cardinal change of a geopolitical picture of the world. The period of partnership between Russia and the West came to an end. Partnership is succeeded by new structure of the international relations which will be constructed on much more pragmatic basis. At the same time it is obvious that the unipolar world was absolutely not effective. This world finally disbalanced all system of the international relations that was expressed in the number of the regional and local conflicts unprecedented before, and in return in the last two years of direct confrontation between Russia and the West.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (01) ◽  
pp. 3-23
Author(s):  
Agus Subagyo

This article analyzes the development of social media, such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, and Watsapps, in international relations, especially the practice of diplomacy, which gave birth to digital diplomacy. Social media has changed the world landscape of diplomacy from manual / traditional diplomacy leading to modern / digital diplomacy, so that the practice of diplomacy is carried out in an open, transparent, fast, effective and efficient manner. The development of information, internet and computer technology has been utilized in the implementation of diplomatic duties in diplomacy in international forums.


Author(s):  
Reeta Sharma ◽  
P. K. Bhattacharya ◽  
Shantanu Ganguly ◽  
Arun Kumar

Today's world is technology-driven. Technology has penetrated almost every sphere of human life. Digital marking is one of the technologies that have attracted people from different age groups all over the world with their advanced nature of applications and uses. One of the foremost reasons why patrons like to use this technology is because these are not only user-friendly in nature and innovativeness but also carry the knowledge economies. Marketing and branding through digital media channels are very decent ventures that have steadily increased in value and are thereby considered safe and secure investments. In this chapter, the authors discuss a case study of ICDL 2016 conference where social media and other technology is widely used to market this event and catch prospective users.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Cheng ◽  
Alison Brettle

AbstractWhy do American perspectives of international relations (IR) continue to hold sway over an increasingly diverse discipline? What actually constitutes “Americanness” in IR? Who is considered “American” in IR? These are the central questions we explore in this essay. Drawing on cognitive and behavioral insights from social psychology, we argue that there is a distinct “American approach” to international relations and security studies and that this approach is a product of Western cognitive frames. We identify three factors that represent the American approach's hyper-Westernized framing: individualism, equality, and a preference for causal rather than contextual analysis, and a preference for egalitarianism. We argue that these are reinforced by two social identity processes—academic identity and national identity. The consequences of “being American” in IR and security studies suggest not only problems of attention and accuracy, but an inherent failure to appreciate that Western—and particularly, American—ways of seeing and valuing the world are not universal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-108
Author(s):  
Guilherme Fians

Abstract Esperanto is neither an official nor a commonly spoken language anywhere in the world and, due to the limited number of people who speak this language from birth and who teach it to the next generation, the persistence of this speech community cannot rely on intergenerational language transmission. Based on a year of ethnographic fieldwork in France, mainly in Paris, this article explores continuities and discontinuities in the Esperanto community and movement bylooking at how present-day young Esperanto speakers use the language online and through networks of sociability. In asking what is transmitted from one generation of Esperanto speakers to the next, and how new communication technologies impact the ways in which people use the language, I analyse how the concentration of speakers from different age groups around distinct technologies creates a segmentation in this community that leaves some issues incommunicable and hard to transmit. I argue that, on the one hand, engaging with Esperanto through Esperanto associations and, on the other hand, through social media and non-institutionalised gatherings, shapesdifferent perceptions of the language, marking a shift from Esperanto as a forward-looking cause for activists to Esperanto as a tool for sociability and an intellectual game for language-lovers.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naomi Head

While considerable attention is being accorded to emotions in International Relations, this article seeks to integrate empathy into these interdisciplinary debates. It counters the dominant assumption that empathy tends to be largely benign and beneficial by conceptualizing a typology of the costs of empathy. The dimensions of costs addressed are epistemological, cognitive, emotional, material, and embodied. I argue that these costs are frequently tangible for those who make the ethical-political choice to engage in empathy in situations of conflict and political violence. Drawing on social psychology approaches, empathy is located within a framework of collective narratives, emotions, and social structures shaped by both micro- and macro-political processes. A model of empathy, which acknowledges social influences and the psychological mechanisms through which these influences may be mediated, contributes to a deeper understanding of how politics, psychology, and culture shape empathy and, crucially, helps understand the conditions which may affect the successes, limitations, and failures of empathy in the (international) political sphere. The article offers empirical illustrations of the costs of empathy drawing on examples from Israel and Palestine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 452-457 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xin Zhao

Health and science controversies surrounding Covid-19 pandemic have been politicized by state actors to manipulate international relations and politics. China is no exception. Using a package of communication tactics, the Chinese government has been engaging in an English-language information campaign to create an “Us vs US” world during the pandemic on social media. While the world is scrutinizing the accuracy of and the intention behind the information disseminated by China’s state actors, this commentary urges scholars to also focus on the influence of such information on global audiences, as well as on global power dynamics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 233-260
Author(s):  
Madeleine Myatt

Þ-U+201C-ÞSize matters in international relations,Þ-U+201D-Þ (Steinsson /Thorhallsson 2017: 1), but does size still matter in the digital age, and in the cyber domain? Scholars have long believed that larger states are better equipped for state competition due the size of their populations, economies, and militaries based on a respective size/power calculus. This chapter explores how digital technological innovation help small states like the Nordic countries to gain influence on the world political stage and in the cyber domain. Emphasis is put on the way how smaller states like Estonia or Finland make use of this new asymmetric toolbox of 'cyber power' to gain leverage in the international security realm.


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