Understanding Wheel Spinning in the Context of Affective Factors

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ma. Mercedes T. Rodrigo ◽  
Joseph Barbosa Beck

The notion of wheel spinning, students getting stuck in the mastery learning cycle of an ITS without mastering the skill, is an emerging issue. Although wheel spinning has been analyzed, there has been little work in understanding what factors underlie it, and whether it occurs in cultural contexts outside that of the United States. This work is an extension of an earlier analysis of 116 students in an urban setting in the Philippines. The authors found that Filipino students using the Scatterplot Tutor exhibited wheel spinning behaviors. The authors explored the impact of an intervention, Scooter the Tutor, on wheel spinning behavior and did not find that it had any effect. They also analyzed data from quantitative field observations, and found that wheel spinning is prevented by engaged concentration, caused by confusion, but not causally related to boredom. This result suggests that the problem of wheel spinning is primarily cognitive in nature, and not related to student motivation. However, wheel spinning was positively correlated with gaming the system, and causal analysis suggests that wheel spinning causes gaming.

2021 ◽  
Vol 149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chien-Hsiang Weng ◽  
Andrew Saal ◽  
Daniel C. McGuire ◽  
Philip A. Chan

Abstract Hispanic/Latino populations are disproportionately impacted by coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) in the United States. The impact of state reopening on COVID-19 in this population after stay-at-home orders is unknown. We evaluated the incidence, prevalence and trends during reopening of severe acute respiratory syndrome-coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV-2) at a major federally qualified health centre in Providence, Rhode Island. A total of 14 505 patients were tested for SARS-CoV-2 from 19 March to 18 August 2020, of which, data on 13 318 (91.8%) patients were available; 70.0% were Hispanic/Latino, and 2905 were positive for SARS-CoV-2 infection. The urban Hispanic/Latino population was almost five times more likely to test positive for SARS-CoV-2 (risk ratio 4.97, 95% CI 2.59–9.53, P < 0.001) compared to non-Hispanic White. The positivity rates among the urban Hispanic/Latino population remained >10% during all phases of reopening. The trends of the incidence rates showed similar associations to those we observed for positivity rates. Public health interventions to address SARS-CoV-2 in Hispanic/Latino communities are urgently needed, even in latter phases of state reopening.


2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 127-160
Author(s):  
Jenny D. Balboa

Abstract Since the Philippines elected President Rodrigo Duterte in 2016, the country’s foreign policy seems to have become more uncertain. President Duterte’s mercurial personality and antagonistic tirades against the country’s traditional Western allies, including the United States (US) and the European Union (EU), and his statements of building closer ties with China and Russia, had changed the political and diplomatic tone of the Philippines overall. Certainly, the political relationship between the Philippines and the West has been changed by Duterte’s strong remarks against the US and EU. Has this change spilled over to the economy? The paper presents an international political economy framework in examining the impact of Duterte’s foreign policy pivot to the country’s foreign economic relations, focusing on trade and investment. The paper argues that Duterte’s foreign policy shift is mainly shaped by Duterte’s “politics of survival”. Not firmly anchored in any idea, norms, or interest that can clearly benefit the country, Duterte is unable to provide coherent guidance and leadership on the foreign policy pivot, particularly on the economy. Duterte’s lack of guidance provided the technocrats with the policy space to continue the policies from the previous administration and not to divert radically from previous economic policies. The stability of the economic institutions provided a refuge in the period of uncertainty. As a result, the foreign economic relations of the Philippines has not radically shifted. The trade and investment situation of the Philippines remained stable, and economic relations with traditional partners are maintained.


1986 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 598-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon F. DeJong ◽  
Brenda Davis Root ◽  
Ricardo G. Abad

This article focuses on the impact of the family reunification provisions in the United States immigration policy for legal immigration from the Philippines. Immigration and Naturalization Service data on the changing pattern of Philippine immigration to the United States between 1971 and 1984 show an increase of nearly two-and-a-half times in the number of immediate family members exempt from numerical limitations, a doubling in the number of immigrants entering under family preference categories, but a marked decline in the number of occupational preference immigrants. Immigration-related plans, behavior, and characteristics from the immigrants’ perspective are also analyzed. A family reunification policy-based typology has been constructed to categorize intended and actual immigrants to the United States. Using this typology, systematic differences are reported for out-migration plans, family contacts, the immigrant process, and the characteristics of intended and actual immigrants.


1986 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Dingman

Historians have examined the Japanese peace settlement of 1951 in a variety of ways. A few have treated it as an episode in the ongoing evolution of the structure of international relations in the Pacific and East Asia. Most have focused on the interaction between the principal victor, the United States, and vanquished Japan, weighing the negotiating successes and failures of each and assessing the impact of the settlement on subsequent Japanese-American relations. Recently still other historians have exploited newly available archival materials to analyze the role middle-range powers such as Australia and Britain played in shaping the 1951 peace treaty. While this research has revealed a great deal about the San Francisco peace settlement, it has left unexplored the part small powers played in a major restructuring of the Pacific/East Asian international order.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-191
Author(s):  
Nguyễn Hồng Thao

Abstract Malaysia’s partial submission to the United Nations Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf on its extended continental shelf beyond 200 nm limit made in December 2019 sparked a new legal battle of diplomatic notes on the South China Sea (scs) from claimant States (Brunei, China, Malaysia, the Philippines and Viet Nam) and non-claimant States (Australia, Germany, France, Japan, Indonesia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States). It has greater volume and significance compared to the first exchange of notes in 2009 – 2011. This article examines the impact of diplomatic notes among claimants on the prospect for the peaceful settlement of the maritime disputes in the scs.


2020 ◽  
pp. 53-77
Author(s):  
J. Lorenzo Perillo

This chapter highlights the stories of 1990s and 2000s street dancers in order to explore the impact of Filipino familial and labor migration since the early 1970s. Although scholars have usually depicted global hip-hop as an outward flow from the United States, this chapter points to an alternative trajectory—when Filipino talent is part of the 10 percent of the Filipino population to have worked outside the Philippines. This chapter analyzes two figurations—overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) and Petisyonados—that simultaneously recode state-brokered gendered migration, economic motivation, and personal rationale. The processes of migrant identity formation reveal a crucial narrative by which racial and sexual formation factor into the rooting and uprooting of Filipino people and culture. Demythologizing talent and the migrant hero trope, these Filipinos exemplify how the global mobility of people and individual motility of bodies prove to be more closely related than previously thought.


Itinerario ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 25 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 90-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen I. Safa

It has been over a hundred years since the U.S. took control of Puerto Rico. In that time, the way in which the U.S. perceived Puerto Rico has changed from a colony requiring Americanisation to, in the 1950s, its showcase of democracy in the Caribbean, to today, an island that still retains geopolitical importance for the U.S., but represents an increasing economic burden. The failure of Operation Bootstrap, as the Puerto Rican industrialization program was known, resulted in permanent large-scale unemployment, with a population dependent on federal transfers for a living, and a constant source of migration to the mainland, where over half of Puerto Ricans now live. I shall trace the outline of these three stages in U.S. hegemony over Puerto Rico, and argue that throughout the U.S. Congress was reluctant to fully incorporate Puerto Rico, because its population was deemed racially and socially inferior to that of the mainland. Though the removal of Spain from Puerto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines was considered part of the its ‘manifest destiny’, the United States never intended to incorporate these people so different from the U.S. as part of the American nation, as was done with its earlier acquisitions in Texas, Alaska or even Hawaii.


2020 ◽  
pp. 014616722092264
Author(s):  
Fatih Uenal ◽  
Robin Bergh ◽  
Jim Sidanius ◽  
Andreas Zick ◽  
Sasha Kimel ◽  
...  

This article provides an examination of the structure of Islamophobia across cultures. Our novel measure—the Tripartite Islamophobia Scale (TIS)—embeds three theoretically and statistically grounded subcomponents of Islamophobia: anti-Muslim prejudice, anti-Islamic sentiment, and conspiracy beliefs. Across six samples (i.e., India, Poland, Germany, France, and the United States), preregistered analyses corroborated that these three subcomponents are statistically distinct. Measurement invariance analyses indicated full scalar invariance, suggesting that the tripartite understanding of Islamophobia is generalizable across cultural contexts. Furthermore, the subcomponents were partially dissociated in terms of the intergroup emotions they are predicted by as well as the intergroup outcomes they predict (e.g., dehumanization, ethnic persecution). For example, intergroup anger and disgust underpin Islamophobic attitudes, over and above the impact of fear. Finally, our results show that social dominance orientation (SDO) and ingroup identification moderate intergroup emotions and Islamophobia. We address both theoretical implications for the nature of Islamophobia and practical interventions to reduce it.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 161-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Vincent C. Batalla

As the 2016 elections drew near and the prospects of a Rodrigo Duterte presidency became stronger, there were concerns that the economy might be adversely affected by the expected political volatility under the new regime. Since the start of the campaign season, Duterte had been rocking the establishment through controversial pronouncements and outbursts, attracting the enmity of leaders of the Catholic Church, the United States, and the United Nations. Based on a review of recent political and economic performance, this article argues that unless there are significant changes in the major sources of macroeconomic growth and stability, the Philippine economy would likely withstand the impact of a “Duterte shock.”


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