Research on Establishment and Analysis of the System of Affordable House Supply System

2012 ◽  
Vol 446-449 ◽  
pp. 3852-3856
Author(s):  
Hong Yong Liu ◽  
Jun Wei Zheng
Keyword(s):  
Affordable Housing ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Rental Housing ◽  
Listed Companies ◽  
The State ◽  
Tax Reduction ◽  
The Game Theory ◽  
Economically Affordable Housing ◽  
The Government ◽  
Privately Owned

The plan of “12•5” reflects the importance of the people’s livelihood, and the congress put forward to some measures about housing safeguard. When the central government vigorously promotes the policy of housing, it analyzes the group game among the large listed companies, the local government and the central government to obtain that the large listed companies can gain the benefit from the field of economically affordable housing and capped-price housing, analyzing the cooperative game among the state-owned enterprises, advising the government can cooperative with the state-owned enterprise to build the rental housing and mutually surrender part of the profits based on the credible commitment and the precondition of a series of preferential policies about tax reduction, analyzing the expectation of the consumer about buying or renting and the expectation of the company about the building of rental housing or the general commercial house to obtain that the consumer like to rent a house firstly and adjust their psychology, entering into the model of renting firstly and buying secondly. Establishing the system of housing safeguard with the above-mentioned analysis based on the game theory, the system of housing safeguard is improved with the adding of the large state-owned, privately-owned listed companies and the state-owned enterprises to provide a reference for the construction of housing safeguard.

scholarly journals Tuareg-Rebellion, Islamismus und Staatskrise in Mali

2013 ◽  
Vol 43 (170) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Greven
Keyword(s):  
Social Relationship ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic Fundamentalism ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
Majority Population ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
Spontaneous Reaction

The root causes of the ongoing crisis in Northern Mali lie in the region’s underdevelopment, exacerbated by longstanding, if recently decreasing, neglect of the central government; the complex social relationship between the largest minority, the Tuareg, and the majority population, which has worsened since a largely unresolved crisis in the 1990s; and the growing interest of a small but growing number of actors involved in the drug trade and other criminal activities in the absence of the state. Among the latter have been a growing number of Jihadists, at first mostly from Algeria, who have been taking Western citizens hostage and therefore caused the US and France to pressure the Malian government to re-establish a presence of the state in the North. The clash was all but inevitable when several thousand heavily armed Tuareg fighters came to Mali after the defeat of Gaddafi in Libya. A new element of the crisis is the growing number of jihadists among the Tuareg rebels and other Malians, but neither Tuareg irredentism nor Islamic fundamentalism has more than minority support in Mali, Northern Mali, or among the Tuareg. The coup d’état against the president, while most likely a spontaneous reaction to the inability of the government to fight the rebellion, uncovered a structural crisis of Malian democracy and society. The disintegration of Mali’s long-praised formal democratic institutions after the coup showed fundamental problems. However, political supporters of the coup who assumed that the population’s tacit support of the coup could be turned into a movement for fundamental social change, had to find that it was largely an opportunistic and diffuse expression of general discontent.

Music and the American Radio

Tempo ◽  
1947 ◽  
pp. 10-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. W. Heinsheimer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Communications Commission ◽  
The State ◽  
Radio Stations ◽  
For Profit ◽  
The Government ◽  
Privately Owned

Broadcasting in the United States is a business—and a very big one. Radio stations are privately owned and are operated for profit. Broadcasting is just as much a business as is running a theatre on Br adway or making a picture in Hollywood. The state and the government have nothing to do with it. To be sure, the Federal Communications Commission in Washington lays down certain rules of operations, and controls and allots wavelengths to the various networks and stations. But after the F.C.C. has given you a licence and a wavelength, and as long as you comply with their rules and conduct yourself accordingly, you can buy a piece of ground to-morrow, build a station and go into the radio business. And it is a good business to be in.

Excluded from Political Task: NGO s’ Marginalized Participation in China’s Accurate Poverty Alleviation Project

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-180
Author(s):  
Zheng Yang ◽  
Hanxing Zheng ◽  
Wenyan Tu ◽  
Yuzhuo Chen
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Empirical Data ◽  
Poverty Alleviation ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Financial Resource ◽  
The State ◽  
Rational Behavior ◽  
Limited Participation ◽  
The Government

Abstract The importance of NGO s’ participation in poverty alleviation has not only been well documented by extensive studies but also confirmed by rich experience both at the international and national levels. In China, the government officially opened its resources to NGO s in combating poverty in 2005, and NGO s are expected to work as important participants in China’s accurate poverty alleviation project, which is the largest anti-poverty campaign launched by the central government since the foundation of PRC. However, empirical data in the paper shows that NGO s’ participation in this ambitious project is at best very limited. Drawing from more than 30 interviews and some other sources of data, this paper argues that it is the nature of poverty alleviation in China, which can be defined as political task, that should account for the NGO’s limited participation. To be more specific, the excessive workload assumed by the local government deprives officials’ motivation to cooperate with NGO s, excluding NGO s out of the poverty alleviation project is also a rational behavior that can avoid risks for officials. Moreover, the over-supplied financial resource also makes the participation of NGO s unnecessary. This research adds more insights to the study on NGO s in China by arguing that the state-society interaction in China is still asymmetrical.

IMEMO in Early 1990s (continued)

2015 ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
P. Cherkasov
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Social Liberalism ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Russia

The article analyzes IMEMO activities in 1992–1993, when in Russia, under the influence of both radical economic reforms and drastic weakening of the central government, a deep political crisis emerged and gained a dangerous traction, fraught with the death of a young democracy and even the collapse of the state. Under these conditions, along with economic issues, the politological research came to the fore in IMEMO – the analysis of the country's new political system, the definition of its development vector. The Center of Socio-economic and Socio-political Research of IMEMO headed by German Germanovich Diligenskii played the major role in this work. Analysts of the Center prepared a number of recommendations for public authorities concerning the creation and development of a new democratic political system in Russia. IMEMO experts paid the utmost attention to the nature of the political crisis that arose in the post-Soviet Russia in late 1991, and the ways to overcome it. In January 1993, the results of the study were presented to the discussion at the Academic Council. It was agreed that one of the main causes of the political crisis in the country was the social tensions worsening, as a consequence of the “shocking therapy” conducted by the government of Gaidar in 1992. In the discussion on the political outlook German Diligenskii, rejecting the possibility of the old command-administrative system restoration, substantiated a probability of transformation of the "market democracy" not yet established in Russia into the "authoritarian monopoly or monopoly-bureaucratic system". Noting the disunity of democratic forces, weakness of the entrepreneurial class, largely dependent on the state, Diligenskii formulated a program for uniting all adherents of “arket democracy” under the slogan of "social liberalism", which would take into account Russian specifics. Consolidation of democracy and market economy in Russia is impossible without preservation of the state territorial integrity and consolidation of the central government, with a clear division of functions and powers of its constituent branches. Monopolization (usurpation) of all power by one of the branches – legislative or executive – should not be allowed. The victory of any of them in any case would mean the defeat of democracy. Such was, in general terms, the position of IMEMO in the face of the 1992–1993 political crisis. Acknowledgement. The publication was prepared as part of the President of Russian Federation grant to support the leading scientifi c schools NSh-6452.2014.6.

scholarly journals Administrative Law in the Time of Corona(virus)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-50
Author(s):  
István Hoffman ◽  
István Balázs
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Administrative Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Administrative Procedure ◽  
Procedural Law ◽  
Second Tier ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Simplified Procedure

The Hungarian administrative law has been significantly impacted by the Covid-19 pandemic. Several rules – which were introduced during the state of danger based on the epidemic situation – have been incorporated into the Hungarian legal system. The administrative procedural law has been influenced by the epidemic transformation. However, the rules on e-administration have not been reformed significantly (due to the digitalisation reforms of the last years), but the rules on administrative licenses and permissions have been amended. The priority of the general code on administrative procedure has been weakened: new, simplified procedure and regime have been introduced. The local self-governance has been impacted by the reforms. The transformation has had two, opposite trends. On the one hand, the Hungarian administrative system became more centralised during the last year: municipal revenues and task performance have been partly centralised. The Hungarian municipal system has been concentrated, as well. The role of the second-tier government, the counties (megye), has been strengthened by the establishment of the special economic (investment) zones. On the other hand, the municipalities could be interpreted as a ‘trash can’ of the Hungarian public administration: they received new, mainly unpopular competences on the restrictions related to the pandemic. Although these changes have been related to the current epidemic situation, it seems, that the ‘legislative background’ of the pandemic offered an opportunity to the central government to pass significant reforms. From 2021 a new phenomenon can be observed: the state of danger has remained, but the majority of the restrictions have been terminated by the Government of Hungary. Therefore, the justification of the state of danger during the summer of 2021 became controversial in Hungarian public discourse.

scholarly journals Flood Disaster Mitigation Through Citizen Lawsuit

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-102
Author(s):  
Mulyani ZULAEHA ◽  
Lies ARIANY ◽  
Akhmad HENDRYAN DWIFAMA ◽  
Rizka Annisa FALMELIA ◽  
Muhammad SHOFWAN RIDHANI
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Disaster Mitigation ◽  
Environmental Damage ◽  
Healthy Environment ◽  
State Administrators ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Government ◽  
Perspective Analysis

The state is responsible for providing protection and management in accordance with the authority it has so that environmental damage does not occur that causes flooding and is able to anticipate the possibility of flooding again in the future. However, in practice it cannot be denied that state administrators, in this case the central government to local governments, have the possibility of committing a mistake as an act against the law because it does not provide fulfillment of the rights of citizens, so that the community can sue the state for that mistake. Citizen lawsuits do not lead to claims for losses, but demands in the form of issuing general policies by the government. The purpose of this study is to find out about the efforts of citizens to obtain protection from the threat of flooding through the citizen lawsuit mechanism and to find out how the potential citizen lawsuit mechanism in resolving floods so that it does not happen again. This study uses a normative juridical approach by using perspective analysis. The results showed that the problem of flooding resulted in citizens not getting their rights to a good and healthy environment. The citizen lawsuit is carried out so that state officials issue a general regulatory policy as a preventive one (disaster mitigation) so that floods do not occur again in the future.

scholarly journals POLITICAL and LEGAL ACTIVITY of DEPUTIES of the NORTH CAUCASUS IN the STATE DUMA of the RUSSIAN EMPIRE in the EARLY twentieth Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-18
Author(s):  
M.M. Aybatov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Caucasus Region ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Government

The article analyzes the political and legal activity of the deputies of the North Caucasus in the early XX century, during the formation and activity of the State Duma. It is noted that the tsarist administration, modernizing the state-political system of the country, could not ignore the multinational and multi-confessional nature of the Russian state and therefore tried to take into account these features of the Russian state-political system. The article concludes that the involvement of regional MPs in political and legal activities of the first legislature (State Duma) at the beginning of the XX century has allowed to bring to the attention of Central government authorities, the main problems of the North Caucasus region and provides a process for the integration of national and regional elites in the Russian political elite to pinpoint the positions of North Caucasian elites in the political space of the Russian state. But many legislative initiatives put forward by the deputies of the North Caucasus did not find support from the government authorities and their decisions were ostponed indefinitely

scholarly journals Georgia

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (223) ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Balance Sheet ◽  
The State ◽  
Net Worth ◽  
State Owned Enterprise ◽  
National Bank ◽  
The Government

Georgia’s public sector balance sheet (PSBS) is in relatively healthy shape, with assets exceeding liabilities, and is comparatively lean. Looking across all entities that the government controls, including the central government, local governments, the State-Owned Enterprise (SOE) sector and the National Bank of Georgia (NBG), total assets are worth 149 percent of GDP, made up of cash, loans, infrastructure, land and productive SOE assets. Liabilities are worth 81 percent of GDP, primarily comprising loans and debt of the government and SOEs. This leaves positive net worth of 68 percent of GDP, putting it in the top third of countries in the IMF’s database.

The political economics of news making in Russian media: Ownership, clickbait and censorship

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492094196
Author(s):  
Alexey Kovalev
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Hostile Takeovers ◽  
Russian Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
State Agents ◽  
The Government ◽  
Privately Owned ◽  
Media Market

This article explores the dual influence of market and political pressures on journalists and the resulting character of censorship and self-censorship in Russia. In particular, it focuses on how these pressures affect the work environment journalists have to engage with and the quality of news they produce. It also explains the economic and political context of commercialised news aggregation and its impact on the media industry and its workers. A cut-throat media market makes it almost impossible for any outlet to not have to sacrifice some aspects of quality journalism in order to increase its audience. As a journalist with almost 20 years of experience in the media industry, I explore the conditions in Russia’s media market. Even private media owners are often deeply beholden to the state and are as susceptible to pressure from state agents and censorship as are outlets that are directly owned by the government. This can partly be explained by the fact that many outlets which used to be privately-owned and independent have undergone hostile takeovers, including new editorial teams loyal to the state.

scholarly journals Land Use Incentives for Real Estate Developers in Social Rental Housing Projects (Case study: Degla Gardens Project-October Gardens-Six October City)

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Abeer Ahmed Mohamed Abd-Elkawy
Keyword(s):  
Land Use ◽  
Real Estate ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Social Housing ◽  
Rental Housing ◽  
Housing Demand ◽  
The State ◽  
Housing Projects ◽  
The Government

Social rental housing projects have emerged since 2016 to cover the housing demand of low-income groups, but these projects need high cost that beyond the financial capacity of some governments. Therefore, the World Bank reports in 2014 and 2018 pointed to the importance of including the private sector in low-income housing projects as a real estate developer instead of the state. The contribution of private sector and his successful experience in this field help in reducing the government spending towards these projects and achieving high quality in their implementation. For these reasons, many countries at international level involved the private sector in construction of social housing units in exchange for a set of incentives, which vary widely from one country to another. These incentives are classified into two main groups, the first one is financial and administrative incentives such as providing free land or selling it at low price, besides taxes and financing facilities as applied in Brazil, China, Singapore and Thailand. The second group is new incentives which called Land use incentives such as land use kind, percentage of land exploitation, proposed density and land use regulation in the housing project as applied in the United States, Japan and France because the previous financing incentives are not enough to achieve an appropriate profit for investors.At the local level, the private sector participated in many low-income housing projects such as Youth Housing, National Housing and social housing projects during the period from 1996 until now. In which the Egyptian government provided him some incentives like low price land, payment facilities, tax cuts and allocation part of land for his investment projects in exchange for building number of housing units with an area of (63 m2) for low-income groups. On the other hand, real estate companies retreated from participation in these projects because the incentives are unsatisfactory to them, which made the state played again the role of real estate developer to fill the gap in housing demand by using insufficient government budget.As a result of that, the Egyptian government is trying nowadays to re-engage the private sector again in future social housing projects by studying all submitted proposals from private sector in 2016, the World Bank in 2018 and the views of some institutions such as ministry of investment, ministry of housing and the Social Housing Fund in 2019 around the new incentives, especially after the state decided to withdraw from real estate development and leave it to the private sector by the year 2020. Hence, this paper tries to introduce the new incentives for private sector to participate again in social housing projects. The formulation of these incentives comes from revision the international experiences and reports as well as evaluating the applying of old incentives in one case study of participation housing projects (Degla Gardens project to find an integrated vision for suitable incentives in Egyptian reality that achieve the goals of all development parties ( the government-private sector-population).

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document