The political economics of news making in Russian media: Ownership, clickbait and censorship

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492094196
Author(s):  
Alexey Kovalev

This article explores the dual influence of market and political pressures on journalists and the resulting character of censorship and self-censorship in Russia. In particular, it focuses on how these pressures affect the work environment journalists have to engage with and the quality of news they produce. It also explains the economic and political context of commercialised news aggregation and its impact on the media industry and its workers. A cut-throat media market makes it almost impossible for any outlet to not have to sacrifice some aspects of quality journalism in order to increase its audience. As a journalist with almost 20 years of experience in the media industry, I explore the conditions in Russia’s media market. Even private media owners are often deeply beholden to the state and are as susceptible to pressure from state agents and censorship as are outlets that are directly owned by the government. This can partly be explained by the fact that many outlets which used to be privately-owned and independent have undergone hostile takeovers, including new editorial teams loyal to the state.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10(79)) ◽  
pp. 12-18
Author(s):  
G. Bubyreva

The existing legislation determines the education as "an integral and focused process of teaching and upbringing, which represents a socially important value and shall be implemented so as to meet the interests of the individual, the family, the society and the state". However, even in this part, the meaning of the notion ‘socially significant benefit is not specified and allows for a wide range of interpretation [2]. Yet the more inconcrete is the answer to the question – "who and how should determine the interests of the individual, the family and even the state?" The national doctrine of education in the Russian Federation, which determined the goals of teaching and upbringing, the ways to attain them by means of the state policy regulating the field of education, the target achievements of the development of the educational system for the period up to 2025, approved by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of October 4, 2000 #751, was abrogated by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of March 29, 2014 #245 [7]. The new doctrine has not been developed so far. The RAE Academician A.B. Khutorsky believes that the absence of the national doctrine of education presents a threat to national security and a violation of the right of citizens to quality education. Accordingly, the teacher has to solve the problem of achieving the harmony of interests of the individual, the family, the society and the government on their own, which, however, judging by the officially published results, is the task that exceeds the abilities of the participants of the educational process.  The particular concern about the results of the patriotic upbringing served as a basis for the legislative initiative of the RF President V. V. Putin, who introduced the project of an amendment to the Law of RF "About Education of the Russian Federation" to the State Duma in 2020, regarding the quality of patriotic upbringing [3]. Patriotism, considered by the President of RF V. V. Putin as the only possible idea to unite the nation is "THE FEELING OF LOVE OF THE MOTHERLAND" and the readiness for every sacrifice and heroic deed for the sake of the interests of your Motherland. However, the practicing educators experience shortfalls in efficient methodologies of patriotic upbringing, which should let them bring up citizens, loving their Motherland more than themselves. The article is dedicated to solution to this problem based on the Value-sense paradigm of upbringing educational dynasty of the Kurbatovs [15].


Author(s):  
S. Avilkina

This article discusses the relationship between media understanding and food culture. Considered questions of the influence of society on the media behavior of man. Reveals the reasons for the emergence and spread in the media industry gastronomic cult.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivo Indjov ◽  
◽  
◽  

The study examines the applicability of the comparative framework of Hallin and Mancini (2004) with their three models of media‒politics relations (Mediterranean or Polarized Pluralist Model, North/ Central European or Democratic Corporatist Model, and North Atlantic or Liberal Model) to a post-communist country like Bulgaria. The answer to this question is sought through a study of the role of the state in relation to the media system, particularly the state funding of media in its various forms. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the Bulgarian media system is most similar to the Mediterranean Model due to the power of еtatism (the state finances public media, and the government buys media love through state and municipal advertising). At the same time, ineffective media regulation favors media concentration and the instrumentalization of large government media groups. The processes of rapid liberalization, privatization and deregulation in the media sector after 1989 brought Bulgaria closer to the countries included in the Liberal Model. Therefore, its media system is hybrid to some extent, but the similarities with the Mediterranean Model remain in the lead. The clientelism through which they are tamed, resp. corrupt the media, brings Bulgaria closer to the Latin American countries where it is much stronger than in the Mediterranean region (Hallin, Papathanassopoulos 2002). The concluding part predicts that, in the future, the analysis of the Bulgarian media system can be enhanced with a study of the applicability of the concepts of the “captured liberal model” of the media (in Latin America) and the “captured media” in the post-communist world.


Author(s):  
José G. Vargas-Hernández ◽  
José Octavio Estrada Sánchez

The objective of this chapter is to propose the implementation of a plan of continuous support from the government of the State of Colima in Mexico to start-ups and micro-enterprises classified as belonging to the trade and services sector, policy public, to increase the economic units that manage to stay beyond three years and thereby derive social benefits such as employment generation, greater wealth and improving the quality of life of the population of the state. This proposal is given based on the sequential design procedure policies. The method used is the analysis of the national situation. It can be concluded from the analysis on the proposal for a design process of public policy based on the matrix of policy alternatives under the assumption that continuity and permanence of the companies will be positively impacted in the current rates of survival if companies born have the support of the government.


Tempo ◽  
1947 ◽  
pp. 10-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. W. Heinsheimer

Broadcasting in the United States is a business—and a very big one. Radio stations are privately owned and are operated for profit. Broadcasting is just as much a business as is running a theatre on Br adway or making a picture in Hollywood. The state and the government have nothing to do with it. To be sure, the Federal Communications Commission in Washington lays down certain rules of operations, and controls and allots wavelengths to the various networks and stations. But after the F.C.C. has given you a licence and a wavelength, and as long as you comply with their rules and conduct yourself accordingly, you can buy a piece of ground to-morrow, build a station and go into the radio business. And it is a good business to be in.


Journalism ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rutger von Seth

The Russian media system was during most of the 20th century part of the state institutions. During glasnost and perestroika, the media became gradually more independent of the state. However, the subsequent apex of journalistic freedom in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was followed by stagnation and a pronounced democratic setback following Putin’s accession to power. Despite this, the findings based on qualitative text analysis of articles in the daily press strongly indicate that after 1991 readers of the press are being increasingly addressed as active and knowledgeable citizens, a tendency which is strengthened during the entire period of study. Methods for text examination are speech act and modality analysis, exploring how readers are discursively positioned in the sample text material, which covers the democratically critical time span 1978–2003. The findings imply that although post-Soviet journalism itself faces considerable difficulties, a firm cultural ground for citizen participation in society has been laid through changes in press language.


Author(s):  
Alessandro Nai

This chapter analyzes the quality of election coverage by the traditional news media. It describes a hierarchical model of influences that is expected to shape the fairness of election coverage. These operate at three levels: the political and social structure, the media market, and the journalistic culture. The chapter shows that the fairness of election coverage is lower when the content of information is distorted by pressures from exogenous actors such as politicians and pressure groups, when the media market faces a hypercommercialization, and when journalists see their role redefined toward infotainment journalism that creates the conditions for a strong shift toward soft news. On the other hand, the quality of elections coverage by traditional news media is higher when media outlets are dispersed across multiple and competitive institutions, which promotes inclusiveness and sets up safeguards against the emergence of media oligopolies.


2003 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28
Author(s):  
Baekeun Cha ◽  
Eunkyong Yook ◽  
Eungjun Min

The study of communication has become one of most popular and major disciplines in Korea. There are over one hundred communication-related departments from eighty-eight colleges with more than 16,000 students today, doubled from the early 1990s. With strong support from the government, the media industry, and colleges, communication related departments have been able to build a reasonably good foundation in terms of programs and curriculums. Like any other disciplines, however, it is experiencing growing pains, searching a balance between the intellectually coherent curriculums and providing marketable knowledge and training for example. This essay discloses and examines the historical development and the current status of communication education in Korea.The study of communication has become one of most popular and major disciplines in Korea. There are over one hundred communication-related departments from eighty-eight colleges with more than 16,000 students today, doubled from the early 1990s. With strong support from the government, the media industry, and colleges, communication related departments have been able to build a reasonably good foundation in terms of programs and curriculums. Like any other disciplines, however, it is experiencing growing pains, searching a balance between the intellectually coherent curriculums and providing marketable knowledge and training for example. This essay discloses and examines the historical development and the current status of communication education in Korea.


Author(s):  
А.Г. Атаева ◽  
А.В. Дунаева

В статье анализируется опыт регионов Российской Федерации по оценке информационной открытости органов государственной власти и органов местного самоуправления. Предлагается комплексный показатель информационной открытости органа местного самоуправления, который включает в себя сводные показатели работы органа власти с населением, качества и посещаемости официального сайта, активности работы органа власти в социальных сетях, качества организации работы со средствами массовой информации, удовлетворенности населения информационной открытостью. The article analyzes the experience of Russian regions in assessing the informational openness of state authorities and local governments. A comprehensive indicator of the information openness of the local government is proposed, which includes summary indicators of the work of the government with the population, the quality and attendance of the official website, the activity of the government on social networks, the quality of the organization of work with the media, and public satisfaction with information openness.


Author(s):  
Hüseyin Çelik

Economy politics that were formed with neoliberalism affected media industry like it affected all the other spheres of economy. The concentration of media structures in the world, the companies which work in the media industry being worked in the other spheres of economy, the struggle of these companies against the regulations about the media and their emphasis on the cancellation of these regulations; and the international activities of media companies attract the attention of the public for the last 50 years approximately. These developments in the media industry have been experienced in Turkey and these continued to be experienced. Neoliberal politics that were applied after 1980s caused important changes in the media industry. Another important point that attracts the attention is that even though the media actors have changed; the number of the structures that are active in media is limited and this number has not been changed for years. This paper aims to put forward the changes in the media industry in Turkey and the structures that have been shaped around these changes in the framework of neoliberal policies which were started in 1980s. In this paper a qualitative research design is used and ownership structures are analysed to investigate the changes in Turkey’s media industry since 1980s. Consequently it is seen that media actors have been changed but their numbers stayed the same. Furthermore the ownership structure of the media that is formed as a result of these developments and the organic bond between the Government is underlined.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document