scholarly journals The text form of LXX Genesis 28:12 by Philo of Alexandria and in the Jesus-Logion of John 1:51

2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gert J. Steyn
Keyword(s):  
New Testament ◽  
Greek Version ◽  
Philo Of Alexandria ◽  
John 1 ◽  
The Past ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
John's Gospel ◽  
First Time ◽  
Old Greek

Most studies on the explicit quotations in the New Testament in the past mainly occupied themselves with their application and reinterpretation within their new contexts. Recent research on the Antiochene text (formerly Proto-Theodotion), combined with an upsurge in text critical investigations – with the aim to establish the similarities and differences amongst existing LXX witnesses in the quest for the LXX text form at the author’s time of writing – begs for new investigations into the Vorlage and nature of the quotations in Philo of Alexandria and the New Testament. Being part of a broader project, and given the scope of this investigation, this article intends to investigate the only case in John’s Gospel where the same Torah quotation also occur in Philo, namely that of Genesis 28:12 in John 1:51. This case is well attested in the Corpus Philonicum, where it is quoted three times – the first time as a long and extensive quotation (Somn. 1.3), and thereafter in two shorter quotations (Somn. 1.133; 2.19). The article attempts to investigate the text forms of Genesis 28:12, in comparison to those of Philo and John, in order to determine whether there are traces of a possible common Vorlage of the Old Greek Version (OGV) between these two authors.Die teksvorm van LXX Genesis 28:12 deur Filo van Aleksandrië en die Jesus-Logion vanJohannes 1:51. Die meeste studies wat oor die eksplisiete sitate in die Nuwe Testament handel, het in die verlede veral op die toepassing en die herinterpretasie van hierdie sitate binne hulle nuwe kontekste gefokus. Die primêre fokus het egter intussen verskuif, sodat die huidige navorsing eerder poog om die ooreenkomste en verskille tussen bestaande Septuagint (LXX-) teksgetuies vas te stel in ’n soeke na die onderliggende LXX-teksvorm (Vorlage) waarop ’n bepaalde Nuwe-Testamentiese skrywer sy aanhaling sou baseer het. Dit is veral waarneembaar in studies aangaande die Antiogeense teks (vroeër bekend as Proto-Theodotion), asook in die oplewing van tekskritiese studies. Hierdie ontwikkelings vereis nuwe ondersoeke na die Vorlage en die aard van die aanhalings wat in sowel Filo as in die Nuwe Testament voorkom. Die ondersoek wat hier aangebied word, vorm deel van ’n groter projek en analiseer dieenigste geval in die Evangelie volgens Johannes waar dieselfde Tora-aanhaling ook by Filo te vind is, naamlik Genesis 28:12 in Johannes 1:51. Die aanhaling kom driekeer by Filo voor – in Somn. 1.3 as ’n lang en uitgebreide sitaat en daarna in twee verkorte vorms in Somn. 1.133 en 2.19. Hierdie artikel poog om die teksvorms van Genesis 28:12 te ondersoek – in vergelyking met sowel Filo en Johannes – ten einde vas te stel of daar enige moontlike aanduidings van ’n gemeenskaplike LXX-Vorlage van die Ou Griekse Vertaling (OGV) tussen albei outeurs is.

Theological Prelude to the Prologue of John's Gospel

1979 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin D. Freed
Keyword(s):  
New Testament ◽  
The Other ◽  
Advanced Stage ◽  
Word Of God ◽  
John 1 ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
1 John ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
John's Gospel ◽  
Hellenistic Judaism

Professor Joachim Jeremias has raised the question of the logos problem. He calls attention to the change in the Septuagint (LXX) from the vocalisation of to and its translation with λόγος in Hab. 3:5, the personified logos in Wis. 18:14–16, and the unmistakable closeness of Rev. 19:11–16 to the latter passage. He notes that the logos title in the New Testament is limited to the Johannine writings (John 1:1, 14; 1 John1:1; Rev. 19:13). Jeremias says that in dealing with the logos problem in New Testament investigation it has become customary to begin with the prologue of John and that this is an error since the absolute use of ὁ λόγος, ‘the Word’, in John 1:1, 14 (in contrast to , ‘the word of life’, in 1 John 1:1 and , ‘The word of God’, in Rev. 19:13) warrants the assumption that the title was known to the readers and that it already had a Christian prehistory behind it when the Johannine prologue was formed. Jeremias concludes that the unmistakable closeness of Rev. 19:11–16 to Wis. 18:14–16 must be noted; that the logos title might have originated in Hellenistic Judaism and so applied to Jesus Christ as a title of the returning Lord; that, on the other hand, John 1:1, 14 and 1 John 1:1–31, where the title is extended to the pre-existent and earthly Jesus, already represent an advanced stage of the Christian usage of the logos title.

A Comparative Study of Colour Terms in Ttranslations of the New Testament into Macedonian and Albanian

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 113-126
Author(s):  
Alexandra I. Chivarzina
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
New Testament ◽  
Original Text ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
Colour Term ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
Target Languages ◽  
Work Done ◽  
Colour Terms

The article considers the colour terms present in the New Testament in the Macedonian and Albanian languages. The characteristic features of the translation are determined by both the cultural unity and the lexical systems of the Balkan languages under consideration. Among the few contexts using colour terms, most are translated equally. This can be explained by both objective reasons (natural colour of objects) and general connotations attributed to the main colours of the spectrum. The attention of this study is focused primarily on the places in the text where different translation decisions have been made. However, it is impossible not to mention the most characteristic general features of colour term use in the New Testament in the Macedonian and Albanian languages. The study indicates the thoroughness of the work done by translators, who, considering the peculiarities of the colour term vocabulary of their language, sought to maximize the use of the lexical system in order to extremely accurately and easily convey the meaning of the original text. The connotations of the colour terms found in the text are mostly the same in the cultures and target languages under discussion. However, there are cases of using different lexemes in the same context in different places in the book. The similarities and differences in translations into Macedonian and Albanian help to understand how similar Balkan cultures see the New Testament and what they highlight as the most significant.

An Overview of the Catenae

2021 ◽  
pp. 135-154
Author(s):  
Gilles Dorival
Keyword(s):  
New Testament ◽  
Old Testament ◽  
Recent Progress ◽  
Literary Form ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
The Past ◽  
Biblical Commentary ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
Persuasive Arguments ◽  
Severus Of Antioch

Catenae appeared in Judaea/Palestine at the beginning of the sixth century. They consist of commentaries, homilies, scholia of the past centuries, and any other literary form in which Scripture verses are explained. Ecclesiastical writings are quoted in the form of extracts, sometimes literal, sometimes rewritten, according to the order of the verses of each Biblical book. Each extract is normally preceded by the name of its author in the genitive case. With time, the catenae were formed not only from commentaries, homilies, scholia, and other patristic writings, but also from pre-existing catenae mixed with these sources. After the sixth century, catenae became the most important media of biblical commentary until the end of the Byzantium Empire (1453). Many debated issues remain. Is Procopius of Gaza (470–530) the father of the catenae? Maybe the two-author catenae predate him, even if this form is better connected with the Byzantine humanism of the ninth and tenth centuries. As for the multiple-author catenae, it is not certain if any of them do are prior Procopius. The compilers of the catenae began their project with the Old Testament, as it was considered to be obscure and foundational to the New Testament, whereas the New Testament was considered to be clear and explicative of the Old Testament. The identity of the compilers of the catenae is shrouded in mystery. Only a few names are known: chiefly, Procopius of Gaza in Palestine and Nicetas of Heraclea in Constantinople. Other names have been proposed: the patriarch Photius, Peter of Laodicea, John Drougarios, but without any persuasive arguments. A final issue concerns Monophysite (or Miaphysite) catenae: were some catenae Monophysite? Or was this literary form indifferent to questions of orthodoxy? In some catenae, Severus of Antioch is called ‘saint’, which may indicate a Monophysite origin. Finally, despite recent progress, many catenae still await publication. For instance, Nicetas’ catena on the Psalms is a monumental work of Byzantine scholarship and it deserves to be available to modern readers.

In the Beginning was the Word

2019 ◽  
pp. 101-148
Author(s):  
George Pattison
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
New Testament ◽  
German Idealism ◽  
Rudolf Bultmann ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
Michel Henry ◽  
John's Gospel ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Original Interpretation

Turning to the New Testament, the chapter examines the prologue to St John’s Gospel as an exemplary commentary on Christian vocation. However, this requires rejecting interpretations that have seen John’s logos in terms of Platonic ideas or ‘ratio’, as in much ancient and medieval commentary (Eckhart’s commentary is used for illustration). German Idealism (Fichte) refigures ratio in terms of will, and in the twentieth century, Michel Henry foregrounds ‘life’. A rediscovery of the word element is found in Ferdinand Ebner and Rudolf Bultmann. Their insights are used to develop an original interpretation of the Gospel, contrasting John’s existential focus on calling and the name with Platonizing interpretations.

Christian Affirmation in The Book of the Duchess

PMLA ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-251
Author(s):  
Rodney Delasanta
Keyword(s):  
New Testament ◽  
The Past ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
Religious Meaning

Chaucer's elegy, The Book of the Duchess, has been read in the past either as an exercise in exclusively human consolation without religious meaning or—by the patristic critics—as so rigidly iconographic that the obvious dramatic situation has been sacrificed to accommodate patristic truths. Chaucer's real intention is more divinely directed than the former and more humanly directed than the latter. The poem offers Christian consolation complementary to the dramatic situation by weaving images of the resurrection into the warp and woof of mute pity. The recurrence of sleeping images, for example, in the case of the Dreamer himself and in the case of Ceys and Alcione, functions as a salubrious intermission between an anguished consciousness and a redemptive awakening. The repetition of horn blasts, both in the underworld episode and the hart-hunting scene, suggests the resurrectional trumpet of the New Testament. And the hunting scene, ambiguously involved as it is with the hart, suggests through the echoic use of resurrectional diction from the Canticle of Canticles further Christian affirmation about the mystery of immortality.

Pannenberg on the Resurrection and Historical Method

1980 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 345-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. E. Michalson
Keyword(s):  
Philosophy Of Science ◽  
New Testament ◽  
Historical Event ◽  
Historical Explanation ◽  
Standard Methods ◽  
Past Event ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
The Past ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
Casual Observer

Even the most casual observer of the contemporary theological scene knows that Wolfhart Pannenberg's theology relies heavily on the resurrection of Jesus as a genuinely historical event. The peculiarity of this is that a theologian who has accurately been called a ‘rationalist’ should so forthrightly embrace a claim that the entire thrust of post-Enlightenment theology has seemingly undermined. But Pannenberg himself contends that his reliance on the resurrection is not legitimated by the subterfuge of an existential ‘moment’ or ‘leap of faith’; instead, he argues for the acceptance of the resurrection on purely historical grounds. This argument implicitly rests on Pannenberg's conviction that ‘the truth is one’ and that the theologian's worst mistake is to cut the ties between theology and secular disciplines and modes of inquiry, a conviction that has recently received its most forceful statement in Pannenberg's Theology and the Philosophy of Science. This means that, insofar as belief in the resurrection of Jesus entails a claim about a past event, the standard methods by which we normally adjudicate claims about the past must be brought into play. Accordingly, the resurrection of Jesus is for Pannenberg not a ‘faith claim’, for ‘faith cannot ascertain anything certain about events of the past that would perhaps be inaccessible to the historian’. Instead, the resurrection of Jesus must be understood as the best historical explanation accounting for the New Testament witness and the rise of Christianity.

Miracles, Early Modern Science, and Rational Religion

2006 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Harrison
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
New Testament ◽  
Laws Of Nature ◽  
Modern Science ◽  
Synoptic Gospels ◽  
Fourth Gospel ◽  
Early Modern Science ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
John's Gospel

Readers of the New Testament could be excused for thinking that there is little consistency in the manner in which miracles are represented in the Gospels. Those events typically identified as miracles are variously described as “signs” (semeia), “wonders” (terata), “mighty works” (dunameis), and, on occasion, simply “works” (erga). The absence of a distinct terminology for the miraculous suggests that the authors of the Gospels were not working with a formal conception of “miracle”—at least not in that Humean sense of a “contravention of the laws of nature,” familiar to modern readers. Neither is there a consistent position on the evidentiary role of these events. In the synoptic Gospels—Matthew, Mark, and Luke—Jesus performs miracles on account of the faith of his audience. In John's Gospel, however, it is the performance of miracles that elicits faith. Even in the fourth Gospel, moreover, the role of miracles as signs of Christ's divinity is not straightforward. Thus those who demand a miracle are castigated: “Unless you see signs and wonders you will not believe.” Finally, signs and wonders do not provide unambiguous evidence of the sanctity of the miracle worker or of the truth of their teachings. Accordingly, the faithful were warned (in the synoptic Gospels at least) that “false Christs and false prophets will rise and show signs and wonders [in order] to deceive.”

Passover and Eucharist in the Fourth Gospel

1967 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-337
Author(s):  
J. K. Howard
Keyword(s):  
New Testament ◽  
Fourth Gospel ◽  
People Of God ◽  
Dominant Position ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
The Future ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
New Israel ◽  
Acts Of God

The events of the Exodus, in which the Passover occupied a central and dominant place, were one of the most deeply rooted of all Israel's traditions. The Passover itself lay at the very heart of the covenant concept and forms the basis of the Heilsgeschichte which records the redemptive acts of God for His people Israel. In later Judaism it became overlaid with eschatological ideas, especially those associated with a Messianic deliverance for the people of God, as God's saving act in the past became the prefigurement of an even greater saving act in the future. The Passover night was thus a night of joy for all Israel, the night on which Israel's future redemption, effected through the Messiah, would be revealed. The early Christians, however, believed that this Messianic deliverance had already appeared in the person of Jesus of Nazareth, and consequently, in Preiss' expression,‘the totality of the events of the Exodus centering on the Passover’ together with its associated ideas occupied a dominant position in Christian soteriological thought in the New Testament period, especially as Jesus Himself had instituted the eucharist in a distinctly Paschal setting. We may trace, as has been done in recent years, the idea of the Exodus complex of events running as a constant theme through the New Testament writings, and Jesus is pictured both as a second Moses leading His people forth from a bondage far greater than the slavery of a human despot, from the thraldom of sin and death, and as the Antitype of the very Passover sacrifice itself, through which the redemption of the New Israel was effected.

scholarly journals Kosmiese mag in Pseudo-Aristoteles, De mundo, en die Nuwe Testament

2012 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan C. Thom
Keyword(s):  
New Testament ◽  
John 1 ◽  
Early Evidence ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
Philosophical Writings

Cosmic power in Pseudo-Aristotle, De mundo, and the New Testament. In order to locate the cosmological views underlying the writings of Paul and other New Testament (NT) authors within their historical contexts it is necessary to compare them with other contemporary worldviews, such as those expressed in philosophical writings of the period. New Testament research has thus far concentrated on the most popular and influential philosophical traditions of NT times, that is, Stoicism and Middle Platonism. Other philosophical traditions may however also offer valuable insights. In this article I suggested that the De mundo attributed to Aristotle but probably dating from the 1st century BCE or CE provides early evidence for a splitting up of the demiurgic function of God in order to preserve God’s transcendence. I furthermore argued that a similar division of divine functions is also evident in some NT texts, for example, John 1, Colossians 1, and Hebrews 1. This notion is explored using Colossians 1 as example.

scholarly journals Tussen letterlijkheid en vergeestelijking. Op zoek naar een passende interpretatie van de oudtestamentische heilsprofetie

2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-25
Author(s):  
A.J. Van den Herik
Keyword(s):  
New Testament ◽  
Special Position ◽  
Prophetic Preaching ◽  
The Past ◽  
Bright Future ◽  
The Future ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
Interpretative Framework

The prophets describe the future of Israel in a concrete manner and with vivid colours. Against the doom that Israel experiences, they proclaim a bright future, in which all that Israel received from the Lord, shall be restored. There is much discussion about how the interpretation of these eschatological pictures: more literally or more spiritually? Or is there a way in between? This article proposes an interpretative framework. Starting with the basis and content of the prophetic hope (God’s covenant) it explores the language and peculiarities of prophetic preaching, it shows how the context of the New Testament requires a recontextualization of the past promises, and it reaffirms the special position of Israel. The function of symbolism needs rearticulation.

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