The balance of power and extra-mural hegemony: ASEAN’s response to the Third Indochina Conflict

Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 9 continues the investigation into the labor-capital balance of power, addressing the third of the three planes of struggle, that of institutional struggle. Focusing on the labor courts in a historical context, the chapter asserts that the courts are on the defensive, accused of being too “biased” in labor’s favor, as too “ideological” in contrast to the Finance Ministry’s “objective expertise”. It argues that attempts to limit the labor courts’ power act de facto to undermine collective labor relations. The labor courts, then, are on the front line of attempts to undermine organized labor by weakening the institutions and frameworks within which it operates.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-88
Author(s):  
Peter Fibiger Bang

This chapter attempts a synthesis of the imperial experience in world history. Setting out from an in-depth comparison of two incidents, one from the US occupation of Iraq, the other from the Jewish uprising against Nero (66–70 CE), cooperation with local elites is identified as the key to imperial government. The chapter proceeds to discuss current definitions of empire, followed by a wide-ranging survey of modern theories of empire. Most of these can be grouped within four discourses that originate in societal debates from the early 1900s: about monopoly, capitalism and empire; about empire as predatory networks of aristocratic elites; about empire and national identity; and about geopolitics and the balance of power. These four theoretical discourses provide the four dimensions of an analytical matrix that, finally, structure an attempt at synthesizing the imperial experience in world history, from the third millennium BCE Levantine Bronze Age until the present.


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-528 ◽  
Author(s):  
William B. Moul

AbstractThree contrary theories of great power war are examined. The first is the common balance of power argument that parity preserves peace. The second is Organski's oft-cited alternative, “the power transition.” The third is a conflation of the first and second. Like the first, the inherent inability to measure power precisely is the basis of the conflated balance of power theory. Like the second, the conclusion is that parity encourages war. Unlike either the first or second theory, the third provides an explanation of the incidence and extent of warfare between great powers. The basic proposition tested is that nonseparated great powers fight as they approach parity in power capabilities. The evidence is from the relations between the European great powers during 1815–1939.


Author(s):  
Anders Wivel

This chapter traces three different conceptions of peaceful change in Western Europe since 1945 and discusses their implications for understanding peaceful change in that region today. The first is Hobbesian. Corresponding to a largely realist understanding, Hobbesians view peaceful change in Western Europe as a byproduct of balancing and hegemony in the Cold War. The second is Lockean. Corresponding to a largely liberal understanding of peaceful change, the Lockean perspective views such change in the region as the product of liberal democratic states responding rationally to the challenges of international anarchy by institutionalizing the region. The third is Kantian. Corresponding to a largely constructivist understanding, Kantians view peaceful change in Europe as the construction of a civil league of nations exercising “normative power Europe” inside and outside the region.


Subject Prospects for Turkey in the third quarter. Significance The third quarter will be a time of political uncertainty, if not instability. The first electoral defeat for the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has shifted the balance of power. AKP is 18 seats short of a majority and rifts between all four parliamentary parties make coalition-forming difficult. Three issues will probably dominate: the various configurations for a coalition or minority government; the Kurdish issue; and the prospect of early elections. Political uncertainty will add to obstacles slowing economic recovery, already hampered by global and regional economic conditions.


2005 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 452-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurt Wetzel ◽  
Daniel G. Gallagher

This study looks at three models employee! by Saskatchewan's provincial public sector management to facilitate bargaining. First is a relatively conventional adaptation to bargaining with provincial civil servants. In the second, associations of nursing homes and hospitals bargain in the presence of a government observer. The third has the government and school trustees, with government holding the balance of power, negotiating jointly with the teachers. The paper also discusses the central coordination and control functions which the government has developed to deal with bargaining.


Author(s):  
Sören Urbansky

This chapter reviews the affairs of frontier people from the first direct but sporadic encounters between Russians and Chinese. Relations between the Russian and Chinese empires on their shared steppe frontier can be divided into three phases. The first phase lasted through the late seventeenth century. During this time, Cossacks entered Transbaikalia and came in contact with Mongol nobles while the Qing established rule over Hulunbeir. The second phase, from roughly 1728 to 1851, was characterized by a balance of power between Beijing and Saint Petersburg, the establishment of permanent yet deficient border surveillance by both polities, and intensifying contacts on the border, in particular routed through Kiakhta, the year-round location for border trade. The third and final phase lasted from 1851 to the end of the nineteenth century. This period was marked by a shift of power in favor of Russia.


2008 ◽  
pp. 126-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siew Nooi Phang

Local government in Malaysia occupies the third and lowest level after federal and state governments. Under the Malaysian federal constitution (paragraphs 4 and 5 of the Ninth Schedule), local government is the responsibility of the states, but the federal government also exercises considerable power and influence over local government, especially in peninsular Malaysia. The dynamic of the Malaysian federal system is such that it has shifted the balance of power to the centre.Local government accounts for only 1% of GDP. There are 144 local authorities divided into cities (major administrative and commercial centres), municipalities (other urban areas), and districts (chiefly rural areas). Executive powers rest with the Mayor (cities) or President, supported and/or overseen by a system of committees. Currently, local councils in Malaysia are not elected: councillors are appointed by the state government for 3-year terms (with the option of re-appointment) and in most cases come from the ruling coalition.


2020 ◽  
pp. 93-131
Author(s):  
Kyle M. Lascurettes

Chapter 5 (“Order in the European Concert Era”) examines three moments of order change opportunity in the nineteenth century centered around the Concert of Europe. The first section assesses the scholarly debate over what the Concert actually was, making the case that it constituted a decisive departure from the brand of balance-of-power politics that had previously dominated Europe. And yet accepting what the Concert was says nothing about how it came to be, an argument developed in the second section that examines the strategic and exclusionary impulses behind its origins after the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. The third section assesses two more cases of opportunity where the dominant actors elected not to seek major changes to the Concert order: the aftermath of the liberal revolutionary wave of 1848 and the negotiations that ended the Crimean War in 1856.


2020 ◽  
pp. 97-124
Author(s):  
Laurens E. Tacoma

This chapter analyses the third characteristic of Roman political culture, the tension between solemnity and self-conscious reflexivity. It does so on the basis of two letters of Pliny the Younger about jokes that were made during senatorial elections. From his letters it emerges that campaigns for office continued to matter immensely for senators, despite the fact that the balance of power had shifted with the advent of single rule. During the elections the emperor was inserted at the top of the existing hierarchical elite network, rather than that his power was presented as external and inimical to that of the senate. It positioned the emperor in a role of guardian and protector of senatorial values, but at the same time left the senate’s functioning intact. The meaning of the elections should be primarily sought in their social function: they offered the elite a stage for the reaffirmation of their position, both individually vis-à-vis their peers, and collectively to the rest of the populace. Campaigns were a competition about reputation, but this competition would involve a wider group than the candidates alone: it was as much about the position of their high-ranking supporters. In the process, all participants lost much of what constituted their personal characteristics. Given the emphasis on reputation and stability, senators increasingly positioned themselves primarily as senators, rather than as individuals. The corollary was that self-reflective humour should find no place within the curia.


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