China's Economic Relations with the West and Japan, 1949-1979

Author(s):  
Chad Mitcham
Keyword(s):  
The West ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 64-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Roy

The years since the Oslo agreement have seen a marked deterioration in Palestinian economic life and an accelerated de-development process. The key features of this process have been heightened by the effects of closure, the defining economic feature of the post-Oslo period. Among its results are enclavization, seen in the physical separation of the West Bank and Gaza; the weakening of economic relations between the Palestinian and Israeli economies; and growing divisions within the Palestinian labor market, with the related, emerging pattern of economic autarky. In the circumstances described, the prospects for sustained economic development are nonexistent and will remain so as long as closure continues.


1980 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 489-515
Author(s):  
Nitin Khot

The developments in the oil world in the last decade, by altering the very pattern and tenor of international economic development, may well mark a turning point in history. The consequences of the actions of a handful of oil producers, who chose to consciously intervene in the ongoing historical process, promise to be both profound and long-term. In the course of their struggle for an existence of dignity based on more equitable transactions of international economic power, the oil producers discovered the real economic relations that characterize the oil world. They saw, too, an unbroken continuity in the oil policy of the Western industrialized countries. It is the same policy which caused the denudation of their only resource, oil, and which is now casting a dark shadow over the North-South relations. The author argues that the West had fashioned a potent political weapon in the economics of oil; the flow of oil had been harnessed to promote political causes. After this weapon changed hands in 1973, the strategy of the West appears to be to use a variety of economic tools, such as currency depreciation and international inflation, to restore the status quo ante. The paper also endeavours to show (a) the lack of any sincere interest on the part of the West in the development of the oil-producing countries; and (b) the potentially serious consequences of unscrupulous Western speculation in this vital commodity and of an irrationally reckless exploitation of oil fields under the control of foreign oil companies. In an examination of the West's all-too-obvious faith in the efficacy of politics of confrontation, and of its demonstrated obduracy in defence of a life-style generated by possibly the most energy-intensive economic machinery ever, the paper throws into sharp relief the daunting task that architects of an alternative world order face.


Significance Over the last two months, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has deployed Turkish military resources to Libya and the Syrian governorate of Idlib in an attempt to prevent Ankara’s allies and proxies from being overrun by superior forces. Both initiatives have been poorly formulated, shaped more by personal ambition than Turkey’s capabilities, and have reinforced already serious concerns about decision-making in the presidential palace. Impacts Tensions in Idlib will mean further compartmentalisation, rather than a complete breakdown, in the Ankara-Moscow relationship. Turkey will still purchase Russian S-400 air defence systems, but they may become operational later than the scheduled date of April 2020. Russia’s completion of Turkey’s first nuclear power station may be further delayed though economic relations will be largely unaffected. Despite tensions with Russia, there is no prospect of much improvement in relations with the West while Erdogan is in power. Turkey will be neither willing nor able to intervene decisively in the Libyan conflict.


Author(s):  
بسمة خليل الأوقاتي

Competition intensified and conflicts intensified in our region and at various levels and a large part of them was a chronic tooth in which blood was flowing and money and wealth were lost and drawing a bleak horizon threatening the future of the nation and its rising generations with the arrival of its devastating destructive effects aspects of education and information and the employment of youth forces, where energies were disrupted and some of them even turned Strong sabotage as a result of hopelessness and blocking the hope for a better life. The paper is trying to shed light on the importance of launching joint economic projects at the regional international level, with Iraq as its center and axis, by benefiting from its central semi-continental (non-marine) geographical situation, which may have formed in the past and for a long time a geo-economic and strategic geo imbalance in the initial primitive accounts, Building and sustaining peace in our country and the countries of the region and reducing the level of negative competition between them is not easy and requires effort, ideas and constructive projects, and the joint economic projects that the region lacks are a necessary need to build and sustain peace in them. The study deals with the importance and pivotal of the Iraqi dry channel project for the Iraqi railway connection between the north and the south as well as between the east and the west (linking the Grand Faw port project to Europe via Turkey and linking Iraq to the Mediterranean via Syria) and it is based on the assumption that conflicts escalate and intensify between countries when weak and the absence of economic relations and trade Between them, on the contrary, the slide towards conflicts and wars is less, weaker and slower in the case of strong, large and effective common interests and structures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-114
Author(s):  
Sandra Baniak

Serbia inherited Yugoslavia’s tendency to pursue its foreign policy in terms of “multi-vector” policy and balancing between the West and the East to achieve its own political goals and maintain the attention of other countries. Despite the desire to join the European Union, as officially declared by the state authorities, Serbia also strives to maintain a “strategic partnership” with Russia. This paper presents Russia’s interests in the policy towards Serbia in the economic sphere over the years, starting from 1999. It points to the complexity of Serbian-Russian economic relations and their relationship with political issues. Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, can significantly affect Serbia’s internal and foreign policy, making it dependent on guarding Serbia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and through the lack of recognition of Kosovo’s independence by pursuing its own interests, manifested by an increasing Russian presence in the energy sector.


Author(s):  
Christian Reus-Smit

‘Economy’ examines the relationship between economies and the organization of political authority, arguing that the two are mutually dependent. After considering three shifting conditions—changes in the global economy, revolutions in technology, and shifts in the global distribution of economic resources from the West to the East—it examines key developments in the organization of political authority, and how these have affected global economic relations. It concludes with a brief discussion of three major economic challenges facing the global organization of political authority: the rise of new economies and actors, inequality and social dislocation, and the accelerating global environmental crisis.


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