What's in a Name? The Social Prestige of Residential Areas in Malta as Perceived by Their Inhabitants

2020 ◽  
pp. 287-334
Author(s):  
David Boswell
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Gwynne Mapes ◽  
Andrew S. Ross

Abstract In this article we consider the discursive production of status as it relates to democratic ideals of environmental equity and community responsibility, orienting specifically to food discourse and ‘elite authenticity’ (Mapes 2018), as well as to recent work concerning normativity and class inequality (e.g. Thurlow 2016; Hall, Levon, & Milani 2019). Utilizing a dataset comprised of 150 Instagram posts, drawn from three different acclaimed chefs’ personal accounts, we examine the ways in which these celebrities emphasize local/sustainable food practices while simultaneously asserting their claims to privileged eating. Using multimodal critical discourse analysis, we document three general discursive tactics: (i) plant-based emphasis, (ii) local/community terroir, and (iii) realities of meat consumption. Ultimately, we establish how the chefs’ claims to egalitarian/environmental ideals paradoxically diminish their eliteness, while simultaneously elevating their social prestige, pointing to the often complicated and covert ways in which class inequality permeates the social landscape of contemporary eating. (Food discourse, elite authenticity, normativity, social class, locality/sustainability)*


1956 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence H. Leder ◽  
Vincent P. Carosso

Robert Livingston's career provides the first opportunity to consider in detail the emergence of an early New York businessman. Trained in business in Rotterdam, he brought to the New World the experience, knowledge, and techniques of one of the most advanced commercial centers of his day. On the Albany frontier he applied the Old World's business methods to advantage and gradually emerged as a dominant figure in colonial New York. His records and business correspondence leave no doubt that Livingston belonged to that class of businessmen often referred to as sedentary or resident merchants, though he did not employ as many agents and partners as his later, more mature counterparts. Neither did he engage in as many ventures or perform as many functions as the Browns, Hancocks, and other late eighteenth-century merchants, nor did he create an impressive business organization at home or abroad as was customary among certain European contemporaries. Still, as a wholesaler and retailer, importer and exporter, shipowner and land speculator, Livingston was an early New York practitioner of diversified business functions and investments. His extensive land dealings, no doubt motivated in part by the social prestige attached to real estate, were undertaken primarily as a source of credit and revenue. Livingston Manor was operated as a business enterprise: some of it was cultivated on Livingston's behalf, parts were leased to tenants who provided for the Lord of the Manor not only rents but a steady market for the goods he obtained in overseas trading ventures, and other sections were devoted to various manufacturing enterprises. Livingston's political life was an integral and necessary part of his business ventures, which reflected at all points the total instability of most colonial institutions. From the details of Livingstons many-sided commercial life emerges a rare picture of an embryonic business society in which the means were sorely taxed to achieve the ends conceived by ambitious men.


1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-103
Author(s):  
Lars Dahlin

A survey of the social and medical conditions of the population in three well-defined districts in Malmö was made in order to obtain background data for the planning of open care. A random choice was made of 70 households from each of the three residential areas for interview purposes. Available data concerning actual individuals were collected from the social and health authorities. Wide variations existed between the three districts. The inhabitants of Kroksbäck, mostly young families with children, were comparatively healthy somatically, whereas many had social problems; mental troubles were common too. In Lorensborg, the inhabitants did not conspicuously deviate from the average, as regards complaints. In Ellstorp, with its elderly population, two in three had impaired health, mostly in the form of somatic complaints; moreover their teeth were in poor condition. One in three of all interviewees had felt ill in some respect during the fortnight preceding the interview, and more than half had some current health problem. Eleven percent of all interviewees had sought medical advice during this fortnight. One in three of the interviewees was using prescribed remedies at the time of the interview. Eleven percent of those in the gainfully employable age range had been sick-listed for some part of the fortnight. The need for a general practitioner service, continuity of care, health centres and integration of social and medical care is discussed.


Author(s):  
K McCormick

British engineers have claimed that their important contributions to economic and social well-being, based on their achievements as practical people, have gone unrecognized or unrewarded. Yet over the past thirty years efforts to boost the social prestige of British engineers appear to have undermined the social arrangements which fostered the strong practical ethos. Increasing reliance on the full-time educational system is tending to raise social prestige through bringing the ‘all graduate profession’ and through trends to recruitment from higher social backgrounds. Yet these trends have been associated with a fall in traditional and recognizable training. This paper examines both the nature of the ‘practical’ tradition and efforts to raise ‘prestige’ and asks whether the engineering profession is caught on the horns of an irresolvable dilemma—to boost either prestige or practicality. The paper concludes that in principle the British pattern of education and training has much to commend it still, with the strong emphasis on training elements in a working environment. But it is argued that its success will depend on engineers and their employers becoming much more active in the field of training.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Kamaldeen Imam-Tamim ◽  
Oluwadamilola Oyeyipo ◽  
Yahaya A. Alajo

The advent of Global System for Mobile Communication (GSM) in Nigeria has brought immense advantages to the social and economic activities in the country. Despite the various advantages, the installation of telecommunication masts and base stations in residential areas has led to anxieties, fears and debates about the possible adverse effects on human health as well as security of properties. Instead of addressing the fears, the telecommunication companies continue to install telecommunication masts and base stations in the residential areas unabated. The article assesses the impact of these installations on health and properties of the residents in order to consider the reality of the fears and examines Nigerian laws to find out whether there are regulations that control how telecommunication masts are to be installed in residential areas to prevent health and property threat to the inhabitants. The article employs both doctrinal and non-doctrinal approaches of the qualitative legal research method by analysing legal and relevant texts and by conducting site surveys as well as unstructured interviews with residents who live near telecom masts.


1975 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 295-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Brady

In Jakob Burckhardt's classic vision of the emergence of a new, individualistic consciousness in Renaissance Italy, the artist took his place behind the tyrant as one of the early escapees from the crumbling prisons of medieval corporate institutions. Although the picture of his progress from craftsman to free professional is more nuanced and qualified in the recent literature, the Italian artist continues to enjoy his reputation as one of the few permanent beneficiaries of the Renaissance. As the Wittkowers have written: “But the new day came when artists began to revolt against the hierarchical order of which they were an integral part—a day when they regarded the organization meant to protect their interests as prison rather than shelter.”1 At Florence, where artists first achieved a new self-consciousness as theorists and men of letters, private patronage supplied the wealth for a new level of status, higher than that of the craftsman, and weakened the ties of guild life. Not that Florentine artists of the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries invariably became either successful businessmen or bohemians—though both types could be found there and elsewhere in Italy—nor did they revolt against corporate institutions altogether. But their new organization, the Accademia del Disegno, resembled the old guild structure only superficially and was, as its name suggests, a professional association uniting the artistic crafts rather than a type of guild.2 If the sixteenth century Italian artist lacked the social prestige of the lawyer, the notary, or the physician, neither was he any longer lumped together with the cobbler, the stonemason, or the apothecary.


Naukratis ◽  
2000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Astrid Moller

Only after considering the social background of the countries involved is it possible to determine whether we are indeed talking about a ‘port of trade’. For this reason, we first examine Egyptian society at the time of the Saites, and thereafter focus attention on its Greek counterpart. It is only when this change of perspective has been undertaken that we can cease to regard Naukratis unthinkingly as a Greek colony, and can grasp fully the phenomenon that it represents. It is primarily from Herodotus’ Second Book, supplemented by Egyptian and oriental sources, that we learn about the Egyptian Late Period, of which the Saite dynasty is a part. Egyptologists regard this period as somewhat peripheral, especially with respect to our particular interest, the economy; for this reason, it will occasionally be necessary to construct analogies, drawing on examples from the Middle and New Kingdoms. It can be assumed that the picture will have appeared somewhat different in the so-called Intermediate Periods, which are thus rendered invalid for purposes of comparison, the lack of strong central administration leading to a loss of influence on the part of the centres of redistribution. According to Polanyi, the dominant pattern of integration is determined by the manner in which land and work are allocated. The prevalent social and economic system in Egypt is characterized principally by redistribution, although a closer examination results in a more differentiated view. Agriculture, the basis of every pre-industrial economy, functions in Egypt according to a system of instructions and quota calculations. Taxes and dues are used to support the court and the bureaucracy, but are also redistributed to the producers, who thereby participate in Egypt’s ‘surplus society’. The bureaucracy is maintained by the producers, but simultaneously ensures that the system continues to function, thereby setting itself up as the ruling class. The desire for social prestige is typical of this elite, and finds expression in titles, dress, and the cult of the dead. In principle, all land in ancient Egypt belonged to the Pharaoh; however, it is possible to distinguish two forms of land ownership.


Author(s):  
Mary Hatfield

In 1860, nineteen-year-old James Armour, a Presbyterian from north Antrim, wrote a letter to his friend James Megaw with his opinion of the intellectual atmosphere at Queen’s University Belfast. He criticized the lack of religious fervour among students of divinity who he felt were attracted by the social prestige rather than the spiritual vocation of a ministerial career. He stated, ‘Many choose it [the church] from a desire of show and of having a respectable position in society; others for the sake of the L. S. D., others again for the sake of being called great but the greater number from the ambition of their parents.’...


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