The ‘iron triangle’ of municipal government: trade unions, bureaucracy and political parties in a French town (Toulouse, 1910–1970)

2016 ◽  
pp. 159-176
Author(s):  
Jean-Yves Nevers
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Municipal Government ◽  
Iron Triangle

СТРУКТУРА, МОДЕЛИ И СТРАТЕГИИ УЧАСТИЯ ГОРОДСКИХ СООБЩЕСТВ В КОНФЛИКТАХ

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
А. И. Кольба ◽  
Н. В. Кольба
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Urban Communities ◽  
Municipal Government ◽  
Structural Characteristics ◽  
City Government ◽  
Expert Interviews ◽  
Competitive Strategies ◽  
Scientific Publications ◽  
The City

The article describes the structural characteristics of the urban communities of the city of Krasnodar and the related features that impact their participation in urban conflicts. This issue is considered in a number of scientific publications, but there is a need to expand the empirical base of such studies. On the base of expert interviews conducted with both city activists, their counterparty (representatives of the municipal government) and external observers (journalists), the parameters of urban communities functioning in the process of their interaction with other conflict actors are revealed. The communities characteristics such as the predominantly territorial principle of formation, the overlap of online and offline communications in their activities, the presence of a “core” with a relatively low number of permanent participants and others are determined. Their activities are dominated by neighborly and civilian models of participation in conflicts. The possibilities of realizing one’s own interests through political interactions (participation in elections, the activities of representative bodies of power, political parties) are not yet sufficiently understood. Urban communities, as a rule, operate within the framework of conventional forms of participation in solving urgent problems, although in some cases it is possible to use confrontational methods, in particular, protest ones. In this regard, the most often used compromise, with the desire for cooperation, a strategy of behavior in interaction with opponents. The limited activating role of conflicts in the activities of communities has been established. The weak manifestation of the civil and especially political component in their activities determines the preservation of a low level of political subjectivity. This factor restrains the growth of urban communities resources and the possibility of applying competitive strategies in interaction with city government and business.

scholarly journals ‘To Me, Socialism Is Not a Set of Dogmas but a Living Principle’: Harry Atkinson and the Christchurch Socialist Church, 1890-1905

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
James E Taylor
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Lived Experience ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Municipal Government ◽  
Radical Reform ◽  
Political Agitation ◽  
Traditional Sense ◽  
Edward Carpenter ◽  
A Site ◽  
The Church

<p>In the early 1890s Harry Atkinson, the subject of this thesis, travelled to England and spent a year as foundation secretary of the Manchester and Salford Labour Church. In Manchester Atkinson worked closely with the Churchʼs founder John Trevor, took part in Labour Church services and worked with a variety of British socialist intellectuals and activists including Ben Tillett, Edward Carpenter and Robert Blatchford. Atkinson returned to New Zealand in late 1893 and three years later founded the Socialist Church in Christchurch. This was not a Church in the traditional sense—rather, it was a site for the debate, discussion and dissemination of radical and socialist literature and ideas, and a platform for political agitation and social reform. Its creed was to ‘promot[e] a fellowship amongst those working for the organisation of Society on a basis of Brotherhood and Equality’. Members of the Church included Jack McCullough, James and Elizabeth McCombs and Jim Thorn. The critical, yet downplayed, role that Atkinson played working behind the scenes as an important mentor and conduit in the emergent socialist subculture in Christchurch from 1896 to 1905 has been for the most part unexplored in New Zealand labour historiography. This thesis addresses this imbalance and examines the intellectual and associational activity of Harry Atkinson during the period 1890 to 1905 and reconsiders the work and key concerns of the Christchurch Socialist Church. It argues that the form of ethical socialism Atkinson experienced in Manchester, and later promulgated through the Socialist Church, has been mischaraterised as vague or, inaccurately, Christian Socialist. By situating Atkinson’s beliefs and activities within a wider transnational context of 1890s ‘New Life’ socialism, we can see his ideas and work as part of a broader ‘world of labour’, shaped by multi-directional flows and contacts. The varied networks through which Atkinson was exposed to books and ideas are illustrated and the thesis attempts to trace the diversity of his, and others, associational activity. It suggests that the colonial New Zealand socialism of the 1890s was not ‘without doctrine’, and that individuals engaged in richer intellectual and associational lives than is often acknowledged. However, it is shown that Atkinson and members of the Church, though inspired by foreign or overseas experiences, ideas and literature, focused primarily on local issues. These are also surveyed and include agitation for municipal government, female equality and the radical reform of democratic institutions. It is argued that a reconsideration of the lived experience of Atkinson and his wider circle provides a lens to investigate some important aspects of colonial New Zealand radicalism and socialism, outside the usual foci of trade unions, the workplace and formal labour politics.</p>

Self-Limitation and Democracy Lefort’s Model of Council Democracy

2020 ◽  
pp. 99-131
Author(s):  
Benjamin Ask Popp-Madsen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Parliamentary Government ◽  
Hungarian Revolution ◽  
Claude Lefort ◽  
Cornelius Castoriadis ◽  
Mixed Constitution ◽  
Political Thinker

This chapter explores the theory of council democracy developed by the French political thinker Claude Lefort. Like his onetime compatriot in Socialisme ou Barberie, Cornelius Castoriadis, Lefort also developed an early and a late theory of council democracy. While Lefort and Castoriadis were basically in agreement on the principles of council democracy at the time of Hungarian Revolution of 1956, while they were both members of Socialisme ou Barberie, Lefort provided a markedly different analysis of the council system after he broke with Socialisme ou Barberie and developed with famous theory of the democracy as the empty place of power. In Lefort’s late theorisation of council democracy, the councils collaborate with trade unions and political parties to make up a conglomerated, federalised polity, which is founded upon the principles of self-limitation and mixed constitution. While liberal interpretations of Lefort have stressed how representative, parliamentary government is the best expression of ‘the empty place of power’ and radical democratic interpretations have argued of inherent hostility between democracy and institutions in Lefort’s writings, this chapter argues that Lefort’s theory of council democracy could productively be understood as an institutional approximation of democracy as an empty place of power.

Trade Unions and Political Parties in France: Some Recent Trends

ILR Review ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Daniel Reynaud
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Recent Trends

The Politics of Trade Union Formation in the Java Sugar Industry, 1945–1949

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Brown
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Sugar Industry ◽  
The Political ◽  
Union Formation ◽  
Sugar Production ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Revolution

Comparatively little of a scholarly nature has been written about Indonesian trade unions, particularly on the two decades from 1945 to 1965 when, like the political parties to which so many of them were affiliated, the unions had their heyday. This paper focuses on the development of trade unions in one specific industry: refined sugar production. The period to be examined—1945 to 1949—runs from the proclamation of Indonesian independence by Sukarno and Hatta, through the revolution fought against the returning Dutch, to December 1949 when the Netherlands finally acknowledged Indonesian independence. It was during this period that the major post-war sugar industry unions were established. The circumstances surrounding the establishment of these unions will be examined, along with their leaders and members, ideological leanings and political and industrial objectives.

POLITICAL POLICE IN LUBELSZCZYZNA IN THE SECOND POLISH REPUBLIC AS ELEMENT OF STATE SECURITY SYSTEM. ORIGINS, ORGANISATION, ACTIVITY

2011 ◽  
Vol 162 (4) ◽  
pp. 180-199
Author(s):  
Zbigniew SIEMAK
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Information Service ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
State Security ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The People ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
The Social

Political Police in the Second Polish Republic was a secret, specialised service assigned mainly to surveying the whole of political and social life in the country and to chasing perpetrators of anti-state crimes, especially the people suspected of revolutionary activity. In the period discussed, it was completely reorganised four times and it appeared under different names: Political Defence, Information Service, Political Police and Investigation Service with specialised departments to fight against political crimes. In practice, Political Police used methods defined as investigational, e.g. arrests, temporary custody, search of people and property, questioning, chases; and operational ones, e.g. observation, surveillance, tapping or confidential enquiry.Till 1926 political services in Lublin Voivodeship were particularly interested in social and political organisations, the activity of which posed a threat to the legal order and the social arrangement of the state at that time. Full operational surveillance was carried out with respect to parties and political movements of communist nature, national minorities and radical peasant activists, whereas the parties that wanted to keep the bourgeois order were not of particular interest to political counterintelligence, but they were only under discrete operational surveillance.After the May Coup, the range of interests of information services in the fourth district changed substantially. In addition to the activity of communists and national minorities representatives, it encompassed the whole legal Pilsudski opposition.Political Police in Lublin Voivodeship had a very important role in internal politics. It worked among other things on:• exposing social tensions, anti-government atmosphere, revolutionary and anti-state actions (mainly communists and nationalists of national minorities);•observing legal groups and political parties as well as trade unions and parliament representatives.Escalation of political crimes in Lublin district was the largest in those regions where illegal communist organisations, Ukrainian national minorities (poviats: Hrubieszowski, Tomaszowski Chelmski and Wlodawski) and Jewish national minorities (poviats: Chelmski, Siedlecki, Wlodawski, and Grodzki Lubelski) were active.Accusations of communist activity were mainly made against people of Jewish nationality and somewhat less frequently against those of Ukrainian, Belarusian or Polish nationalities.

Costa Rica fiscal reform looks doomed to fail

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Costa Rica ◽  
Public Sector ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Regional Trade ◽  
Fiscal Reform ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Government ◽  
Wage Increases

Subject Fiscal reform protests. Significance President Carlos Alvarado is facing his most severe test since taking office in May, with his efforts to pass a long-awaited fiscal reform sparking strikes and protests across the country. Although the government has initiated a dialogue with trade unions, sustained opposition means that the fiscal reform is likely to be watered down substantially. Impacts Transport disruption will affect regional trade, compounding the transit problems caused by unrest in Nicaragua. The national strike’s success may encourage more such actions in future, potentially over public-sector wage increases. Alvarado’s weakness will increase the dominance of rival political parties in the legislature.

Immigration Policies in Portugal: Limits and Compromise in the Quest for Regulation

2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catarina Sabino ◽  
João Peixoto ◽  
Alexandre Abreu
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Control Policy ◽  
Significant Degree ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Immigration Control ◽  
Foreign Labour ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Structural Demand ◽  
And Control

AbstractThe main objective of this article is to describe the key elements of the making of immigration control policies in Portugal until 2007. First, the main policy initiatives and measures concerning the admission of foreigners are presented. Second, the mechanisms and difficulties surrounding the issue of immigration control are discussed, and a tension is identified between the structural demand for foreign labour and the measures taken for control. Third, the positions of the main political parties and of the most relevant stakeholders are highlighted. The evidence indicates that despite continued attempts to control immigration, the stated policy objectives are at odds with the outcome, characterised by endemic irregular migration. The factors hindering regulation are both internal and external, encompassing the economic, social, institutional and legal domains. Given the limits to control, policy-makers have sought to achieve a compromise by enacting frequent regularization programmes while seeking to improve admission and control. In this process, the main political parties have exhibited a significant degree of consensus, which may be partially accounted for by the convergence among the other stakeholders (employers, trade unions, Catholic organisations and immigrants' associations) and by the increasing, albeit contradictory, acceptance of immigration by public opinion.

The Paradox of Modernity in Turkey

2012 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siret Hürsoy
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Religious Orientation ◽  
Ethnic Origin ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
Strong State ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Central Argument ◽  
The Military

The central argument of this article is that the strong state-centred tradition of Turkey has recently gone out of fashion. The breakdown of authoritarianism and state-centred approach and moving into a successful democratic consolidation and society-centred approach in Turkey requires choices to be made and alliances to be formed among intellectual-bureaucratic elite, the military, political parties, trade unions, other interest groups and various types of societal organisations. One of the most important difficulties for consolidating democracy in Turkey has been the complexity of creating stable, viable, accountable, responsive, predictable, representative, transparent, efficient and problem-solving oriented legitimate institutions where all citizens, regardless of ethnic origin or religious orientation, have a voice and enabling representation in such bureaucratic organs that altogether make-up the institution of state. This article will assert that the forces of democratic transition from a state-centred approach to a society-centred approach in Turkey are based on resolving the two main potentially difficult problems that are related with constant questioning of the legitimacy and democratic consolidation of the state apparatus: ethnic and religious paradoxes.

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