NGOs of Their Own: Women Claim Public Space for Political Influence

2018 ◽  
pp. 101-150
Author(s):  
Cathryn S. Magno
2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 349
Author(s):  
Nunik Nurhayati ◽  
Rohmad Suryadi

The era of social media today bring significant change to democracy in Indonesia. Social media can to bring the expansion of the public space in cyberspace, citizens can directly deliver aspirations regarding the state policy. However, on the other side, social media vulnerable to abuse because of many the anonymous account, which acts as the buzzer political influence public perceptions and to get political support but is not elegant way. This shows, social media provides a challenge to democracy, including Indonesia as a third largest country that has access to the social media in the world's. Based on it’s the problems, this research aims to identify the impact of the social media on democratic life, and how the challenges of democracy in Indonesia ahead in the social media today.This Research using qualitative methods. Data collection through the study of literature. Then analyzed with a critical discourse analysis. The results of the study showed that the impact of social media in Indonesia has brought problems such as hoax, which is currently a serious concern of the government. Attempts were made through the campaign against hoax and make regulation, Information and Electronic Transactions Law (ITE Law), which aims to regulate the use of social media and to prevent hoaxes. The life of democracy in Indonesia receive significant challenges,but of the repressive laws against users of social media may actually weaken the democratic life in Indonesia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 616-644
Author(s):  
Alexander Paul Isiko

Extensive research has been done on Pentecostal churches over the past years. Several studies have focused on their history and robust growth, some on their economic and developmental ethos, while others have focused on their theological stances, and growing political influence in society. Amidst these kinds of studies, is the need to address the overt challenge posed by religious conflict among Pentecostal churches. Whereas there is growing scholarly interest in religious conflict among Christian churches, this has been narrowed to intra-church conflict. However, studies on inter-church conflict, between separate Pentecostal churches, that are independent of each other, are rare. Yet inter-church feuds and conflicts among Pentecostal churches in Uganda occupy a significant part of public space and discourses. Through analysis of both print and electronic media reports and engagement with twenty key informant interviewees, this article sought to establish and analyse the nature, manifestations and root causes of inter-church conflict between Pentecostal churches in Uganda. The study established that Pentecostal pastors are not only the major protagonists of inter-church conflicts but also act as collective agents for the churches in conflict. The study further established that religious conflicts among Pentecostal churches are caused by different ideological inclinations, theological differences notwithstanding, but mainly by the desire to dominate the religious market and by power struggle dynamics within the religious leadership. This tension has a particular impact on society given pastors’ visibility, access to media and their public action in the Ugandan context.  


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Andersson

School democracy in terms of formal student participation is often expressed through different types of councils. This requires that these forms of political participation function democratically. The article contributes knowledge about the school as a public space and the democratic experiences gained through formal student participation in class and school councils. The article is designed in four steps: (I) the presentation of previous research, (II) the presentation of the pedagogical political participation model used for analysis and discussion, (III) the findings of an empirical case in Sweden, and (IV) theoretical synthetizes using John Dewey’s educational theory. It is argued that the political characteristics of formal student participation are uniform and bound to different types of political participation, such as being informed and heard and a lack of political influence that positions students as political objects for democratic fostering. This raises questions about the consequences of students’ growth of democratic experiences.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sufri Eka Bhakti

The public sphere has not been effective and is considered lacking a significant benefit to the development of democracy in Indonesia. The assumption of Habermas (1987) in the theory of communicative action  is to consider public sphere that have political influence. Social media as a public sphere through communicative action theory Habermas believes that students are free to communicate with each other. Therefore, there is a need for studies to study which social media is needed to increase student political participation. By using a mixed method, namely discussing quantitative and qualitative to find out the use of social media as a public space through more contemporary political communication. The results show that social media has proven to be effective as a public sphere for students and has become the most important part for the interaction, discussion and political aspirations of students in a country that supports democracy. This can be clearly seen that social media has contributed massively and significantly to the development of universal public sphere, accessible to students without sphere and time limits. The reason is that students can hardly access information and challenge their political aspirations. The more open public sphere for students through social media can increase student political participation through dialogic dialogue and this is a good step for the realization of deliberative democracy in Indonesia. Keywords: Social Media; Public Sphere; Communicative Action


2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlie Q L Xue ◽  
Kevin K Manuel ◽  
Rex H Y Chung
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alih Aji Nugroho

The world is entering a new phase of the digital era, including Indonesia. The unification of the real world and cyberspace is a sign, where the conditions of both can influence each other (Hyung Jun, 2018). The patterns of behavior and public relations in the virtual universe gave rise to new social interactions called the Digital Society. One part of Global Megatrends has also influenced public policy in Indonesia in recent years. Critical mass previously carried out conventionally is now a virtual movement. War of hashtags, petitions, and digital community comments are new tools and strategies for influencing policy. This paper attempts to analyze the extent of digital society's influence on public policy in Indonesia. As well as what public policy models are needed. Methodology used in this analysis is qualitative descriptive. Data collection through literature studies by critical mass digital recognition in Indonesia and trying to find a relationship between political participation through social media and democracy. By processing the pro and contra views regarding the selection of social media as a level of participation, this paper finds that there are overlapping interests that have the potential to distort the articulation of freedom of opinion and participation. - which is characteristic of a democratic state. The result is the rapid development of digital society which greatly influences the public policy process. Digital society imagines being able to participate formally in influencing policy in Indonesia. The democracy that developed in the digital society is cyberdemocracy. Public space in the digital world must be guaranteed security and its impact on the policies that will be determined. The recommendation given to the government is that a cyber data analyst is needed to oversee the issues that are developing in the digital world. Regulations related to the security of digital public spaces must be maximized. The government maximizes cooperation with related stakeholders.Keywords: Digital Society; Democracy; Public policy; Political Participation


Author(s):  
Andrew Logie

In current day South Korea pseudohistory pertaining to early Korea and northern East Asia has reached epidemic proportions. Its advocates argue the early state of Chosŏn to have been an expansive empire centered on mainland geographical Manchuria. Through rationalizing interpretations of the traditional Hwan’ung- Tan’gun myth, they project back the supposed antiquity and pristine nature of this charter empire to the archaeological Hongshan Culture of the Neolithic straddling Inner Mongolia and Liaoning provinces of China. Despite these blatant spatial and temporal exaggerations, all but specialists of early Korea typically remain hesitant to explicitly label this conceptualization as “pseudohistory.” This is because advocates of ancient empire cast themselves as rationalist scholars and claim to have evidential arguments drawn from multiple textual sources and archaeology. They further wield an emotive polemic defaming the domestic academic establishment as being composed of national traitors bent only on maintaining a “colonial view of history.” The canon of counterevidence relied on by empire advocates is the accumulated product of 20th century revisionist and pseudo historiography, but to willing believers and non-experts, it can easily appear convincing and overwhelming. Combined with a postcolonial nationalist framing and situated against the ongoing historiography dispute with China, their conceptualization of a grand antiquity has gained bipartisan political influence with concrete ramifications for professional scholarship. This paper seeks to introduce and debunk the core, seemingly evidential, canon of arguments put forward by purveyors of Korean pseudohistory and to expose their polemics, situating the phenomenon in a broader diagnostic context of global pseudohistory and archaeology.


This article analyzes the main problems of urban public spaces, because today public spaces can determine the future of cities. It is noted that parks are multifunctional public spaces in the urban environment, as they are an important element of the citywide system of landscaping and recreation, perform health, cultural, educational, aesthetic and environmental functions. The article notes that the need for easily accessible and well-maintained urban parks remains, however, the state of parks in many cities of Russia remains unsatisfactory, requiring reconstruction. A brief historical background of the Park of Culture and Rest of the Soviet period in Omsk is expounded, the analysis of the existing territory of the Park is presented. It is revealed that the Park, being the largest public space in Omsk, does not meet the requirements of modern urbanism, although it represents a great potential for designing the space for the purpose of recreation of citizens. Performed functional zoning scheme of the territory of the Park in question, where its division into functional areas destined for active recreational users of the Park is presented, considered the interests of senior citizens, people with limited mobility, etc. Reconstruction of Parks of the Soviet period can provide the city with additional recreational opportunities, as well as increase its tourist attractiveness.


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