scholarly journals War, Disease and Aesthesis.

TECHNOLOGOS ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Myshkin Oleg

Instead of a critical attitude of Modernity this article establishes naivety as a means to describe transformations that human experience is forced to undergo being affected by hybrid (in Latour’s terms) and nonhuman agencies. To compare the image of the modern war with a new type of conflict that has developed over the past decades in terms of space-time it attracts allies such as Gilles Deleuze, оbject-oriented ontologists, S. Shaviro and Alfred Whitehead. The new type of conflict in question is the terrorist activity guided by the doctrine of Taqiyya, or strategic (dis)simulation, described by Reza Negarestany in his essay The Militarization of Peace: Absence of Terror or Terror of Absence? The reason for this choice of objects for comparison is the fact that this new wave of terrorism decomoses the space-time framework of war established by Modernity proliferating like a virus and functioning according to the “bottom up” principle. That’s why it is potentially the most successful – and therefore dangerous – for it actively exploits the “biological” analogy of society and the tree internalizing itself into the structure of the political body and causing an excessive allergic autoimmune reaction on its part and then destroying the political body from the inside. In this respect the logic of its unfolding repeats at the macro-level of society the logic of spreading the virus at the micro-level of the individual's body, as described by Eugene Tucker in the essay Nosos, nomos, and bios. In the face of these threats, definition of the spatial and temporal framework for the functioning of terror and viral infection becomes a necessary condition for survival. Such a definition, in turn, requires a revision of the modern concept of space-time with it’s notions of the fundamental locality of actual entities, the linearity/discreteness of time and the relations of internal/external. In other words, it requires a revision of our concept of aesthesis.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 462-473
Author(s):  
Olga Ignatjeva ◽  

The notion of governmentality was first used by the French postmodern philosopher Michel Foucault during his lectures at the College de France in 1978-1979. The term is one of the characteristics of political power, along with sovereignty and discipline, but it characterizes its later stages of evolution. Foucault and his commentators give multiple meanings to this term, but perhaps the most accurate ones are the definition of governmentality as a way of rational thinking about the realization of political power and governmentality as the art of government. The emergence of governmentality is associated with the emergence of political economy and implies the use of biopolitical techniques, a concept that Foucault introduces to emphasize the need for socio-hu- manitarian knowledge in disciplining the “political body”. Evolution and peculiarities of biopolitics are discussed in detail in this article in relation to each type of governmentality. This article examines three types of governmentality (liberalism, authoritarianism, neoliberalism) introduced by the French thinker and proposes considering a new type of governmentality that characterizes the modern stage of society’s development. Here we use a governmentality concept as a methodological instrument for analysis of a new type of governance. The author notes that digital governmentality is characterized by governance using digital platforms. The article provides a detailed description of the architecture of one such platforms, as well as a set of algorithms that will mediate the interaction between the population and government representatives. The purpose of this article is to identify the essence of digital governmentality and its nature. Is the emerging form of public governance through digital platforms, as a consequence of its digitalization, demo- cratic and participatory, or is it still a more sophisticated way of governing the population using manipulative, biopolitical strategies? An attempt to answer this question is made in the article by considering both the evolution of the term governmentality itself and the technological features of digital platforms with their interpretation based on Michel Foucault’s concept.


Author(s):  
Catherine Keller

This chapter considers incongruent temporalities in the form of a political theology of the earth. Political theology can rarely be mistaken for ecotheology. At least in its guise as political theory, it leaves concern for the matter of the earth to ecological science, activism, and religion. Key to political theology has been its readings of the German legal theorist Carl Schmitt's definition of sovereignty in terms of emergency. The current conversation in political theology has been unfolding with the rush of a theoretical currency fueled by old, indeed ancient, theopolitical language. Even as ecological theology seems to slow theory down, capturing it in a geological time far older than language, it also lurches into the terrifying speed of climate destabilization. The chapter asks whether, in the guise of thinking for and as terra, we would territorialize politics itself. It shows how, by seeding an alternative to the political theology of exceptionalist power, intercarnation fosters “the new people and earth in the future.” It also explains how a theology forged in alliances of entangled difference helps that alliance emerge—in the face of what may be mounting planetary emergency.


Author(s):  
C. Jean Campbell

In many ways the topic of portraiture seems natural to the Renaissance and Reformation, especially when the Renaissance is defined, in the tradition of Jacob Burckhardt, as the “rebirth of the individual.” Historically, discussions of portraiture intersect thematically not only with discussions of individuality, subjectivity, and self-consciousness but also with discussions of realism/naturalism and idealism, authorship and authority, and eventually selfhood, cultural poetics, and the (political) construction and presentation of “identity.” Yet, for all the ways portraiture has served as a testing ground for various expectations concerning the intellectual, cultural, and social history of the period, the question of what constitutes a portrait remains open. The expectation that a portrait is a picture that represents a specific and historically locatable individual is challenged in various ways. That definition is necessarily complicated by studies that focus on the functions of portraiture: aesthetic, rhetorical-poetic, commemorative, religious, mythic, and otherwise anthropological. With the turn to relational models, the idea of the “autonomous portrait” as a marker of the Renaissance has given way to considerations of the beholder’s share. Even the anthropocentric definition of portraiture and the insistence on the face as the locus of humanity have been called into question. The works collected in this bibliography are organized with two goals in mind. The first is to portray the shape of the field of study by laying out its familiar themes, including the theorization of portraiture and painting, and recognizable types and/or areas of concentration, including lovers’ portraits, court portraiture, humanist portraits, and portraits that imitate Antique types. The second goal is to indicate where the shape of the field has been or is being challenged, for example, by gender studies; stretched to focus on questions of material, medium, and making; and broken down to blur such old categorical distinctions as that between sacred image and portrait.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Gunther

This article examines the political style and rhetoric of the Manif pour tous (MPT), the main organization opposing same-sex marriage in France, from summer 2013 to the present. It exposes how the MPT’s style and rhetoric differ from those of their American counterparts, and what this tells us about the different strategies of political movements in France and the United States generally. It is based on an analysis of the language used by activists whom I interviewed in 2014 and 2015 and on a discourse analysis of the MPT’s website, Facebook page, Twitter feed, and press releases since 2013. This analysis of the distinctive features of the MPT brings to light underlying concerns about French identity in the face of globalization. In other words, for the MPT and its members, what is at stake is not just same-sex marriage but the very definition of Frenchness.


2016 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shay Loya

Liszt's Mélodies hongroises d'après Schubert, a solo piano transcription of Schubert's four-hand Divertissement à l'hongroise, provides an interesting example of the complex relationship between centers and peripheries, and between personal patriotism and public nationalism. The first transcription (S. 425, 1838–39) stands at the very beginning of Liszt's career as a “national composer,” the most significant aspect of this rather overlooked fact being Liszt's transformation of the second movement—a naive, dance-like march—into “republican” heroic music driven toward an apotheosis à la Beethoven. This heralded a new type of national genre, and Liszt deemed the march movement important enough to be published on its own in numerous versions between 1838 and 1883. Yet this Marche hongroise was not merely nationalist: it related to other, non-Hungarian identities, most notably French and Austrian. Later versions (from 1859 onward) allowed Liszt to express a progressive, liberal Hungarian identity in the face of a rising tide of chauvinism. Four transcultural readings of the work, both complementary and conflicting, follow Liszt's revisions in roughly chronological order, interpreting the work as, in turn, a nationalist reclamation of Hungarian music, a republican response to the political status quo, the construction of an Austro-Hungarian identity, and a discontinuous text in which new, modernist ideas often merge or conflict with older ones, forcing a fresh renegotiation of national identity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-19
Author(s):  
Tomàs de Montagut ◽  
Pere Ripoll

Abstract This article offers a historiographic definition of ‘pactism’, i.e. the pact-based model institutional doctrine and practice held in Europe from the High-Middle Ages onwards, until the emergence of the modern concept of sovereignty in the absolutist state of the 16th and 17th centuries. As institutional doctrine, pactism found in Catalonia one of its most elaborate formulations. This article defines the constitutive elements of Catalan legal pactism, stemming from the Romanist concept of ius commune and the conceptual work on interpretation and early public law carried out by legal scholars. It distinguishes different kinds and degrees of jurisdictio (senyoria, in Catalan language)—universals, generals and speciales—and it defines populus, constitutio populi, imperium and contrafaccions. Catalan legal instruments related to the enactment of laws by the General Courts—Constitucions, Capítols i Actes de Cort—and the limited power of the King, the composition of Generalitat (the General of Catalonia), and the role of the three Catalan branches (braços, estaments) are also elucidated. It also delves into the procedure for establishing constitutions which was followed by the Cort General of Montsó of 1585. The 15th c. legal compilation called Llibre dels Quatre Senyals and the recent discovery of the Llibre dels Vuit Senyals allow a more accurate dating of origins (1289, 1291, 1359, 1376), and a better understanding of its financial objectives, procedures and protections. Finally, this article introduces the notion of a dual conception of the political community as a suitable interpretative thesis to make sense of the whole process of the development of public law in Medieval Catalonia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (4 (248)) ◽  
pp. 25-54
Author(s):  
Marcin Pielużek

Autonomous Nationalists. An Attempt of the Extra- and Intra-Systemic Characteristic of the Political Subculture Representing a New Type of Nationalism The main aim of the article is to portray a new far-right phenomenon of Autonomous Nationalists political subculture. The groups established in early 2000s are characterised on one hand by a subcultural organisational form modelled on the Antifa anarchist movement. On the other hand, they exemplify typical postmodernist „liquid ideologies”, in which the extreme right postulates are combined with a new formula of a internationalist, “non-chau­vinist” nationalism and left-wing optics. The article consists of two parts. The first presents the extra-systemic optics – an attempt to describe this milieu and locate it in the nationalist ideological spectrum was made based on the available scientific sources. The second part attempts to capture the self-definition of Autonomous Nationalists in their media and iden­tify the key values for this milieu. This part employs quantitative and qualitative analyses carried out with the use of corpus linguistics tools and techniques. The research material consisted of ideological texts published on the Autonom.pl website, the leading information platform of these circles. The article is intended to promote media research of subcultural groups and groups operating on the periphery of the political system. STRESZCZENIE Głównym celem artykułu jest próba charakterystyki nowego zjawiska obecnego na skrajnie prawicowej scenie politycznej, jakim jest subkultura polityczna Autonomicznych Nacjonalistów. Powstałe w pierwszej dekadzie XXI w. grupy cechuje z jednej strony subkulturowa forma organizacyjna, wzorowana na anarchistycznych bojówkach Antifa, z drugiej stanowią one egzemplifikację typowej dla postmodernizmu „płynnej ideologii”, w ramach której łączone są typowe dla skrajnej prawicy postulaty z nową formułą internacjonalistycznego, „nieszowinistycznego” nacjonalizmu i lewicową optyką. Artykuł składa się z dwóch części. W pierwszej zaprezentowano optykę zewnątrzsystemową, w której podjęto próbę opisania tego środowiska i ulokowania go w nacjonalistycznym spektrum ideologicznym w oparciu o dostępne źródła naukowe. Druga część stanowi próbę uchwycenia autodefiniowania się polskich Autonomicznych Nacjonalistów w swoich mediach oraz identyfikacji kluczowych dla tego środowiska wartości. W tej części wykorzystano ilościowo-jakościowe analizy reali­zowane z wykorzystaniem narzędzi i technik lingwistyki korpusowej. Jako materiał badawczy zostały wybrane teksty ideologiczne opublikowane na stronie Autonom.pl pełniącej funkcję głównej tuby propagandowej tych środowisk. Artykuł stanowi wkład w badania mediów grup subkulturowych i funkcjonujących na peryferiach systemu politycznego.


2017 ◽  
pp. 128-141
Author(s):  
N. Ranneva

The present article undertakes a critical review of the new book of Jean Tirole, the winner of the 2014 Nobel Prize in Economics, “The theory of cor- porate finance”, which has recently been published in Russian. The book makes a real contribution to the profession by summarizing the whole field of corporate finance and bringing together a big body of research developed over the last thirty years. By simplifying modeling, using unified analytical apparatus, undertaking reinterpretation of many previously received results, and structuring the material in original way Tirole achieves a necessary unity and simplicity in exposition of extremely heterogeneous theoretical and empirical material. The book integrates the new institutional economic theory into classical corporate finance theory and by doing so contributes to making a new type of textbook, which is quite on time and is likely to become essential reading for all graduate students in corporate finance and microeconomics and for everyone interested in these disciplines.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


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