scholarly journals Change strategy in Spain: Ciudadanos vs Podemos

2019 ◽  
pp. 25-32
Author(s):  
E. Kryukova ◽  
Yu. Slivchikova

The article sets out to analyze the changing political reality in Spain perturbed by such emerged parties as Podemos and Ciudadanos. While the first one appeared riding on the wave of the massive protests of the «indignant» caused by consequences of the economic crisis and was organized around the populist strategy, the second one was created initially to defend the rights of the Spanish people in Cataluña and gaining popularity grew from the regional party into the national one. The fact that these two young parties could win so fast the credibility of the citizens shows the weakness of the existing Spanish bipolar political system. The authors pretend to compare the programs of both parties and try to predict their possible influence on the political, social and economic situation in Spain.

2020 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-297
Author(s):  
Shang-Jen Chen

The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness is Reinhold Niebuhr’s major treatise on democratic theory. A reassessment of the book with particular attention to Niebuhr’s theological analyses of human sinfulness, individual ownership, and toleration may help us to understand the political and economic situation in China. The Communist Party of mainland China (CPC) consistently upholds the exclusiveness of the Party’s leadership and a one-party political system. This article will explore whether it is plausible to construct a free, just, and affluent society without democracy, as the CPC proclaims.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Ahmed Adnan Kazem ◽  
Jassem Mohammed Ahmed

The Turkish governments had witnessed dramatic changes during several decades ,So the article researched in realistic situations to estimate the contemporary events according to what happened now a days . Therefore , many challenges must be tackled in order to assessment the political scene specially after several military intervention in political life ,So these developments required making of amendments in constitutional law to change the political system toward presidential order instead of parliamentary system , and this  was happened in constitutional amendments which hold in sixteenth of April 2017 as a result of it . Turkish policies were stable politically and lawfully according to practicing democracy ,and it could be easily to know the nature of political participation as followed constitutionally .So the potentially strongest forces are being enabled to renew the political elites ,and the economic miracle would redistribution of roles among active actors in political life .Erdoğan's supporters point out since the attempted coup which happened in amid of July 2016 ,So the governing party and its government tried to reconstruction of trust between the peoples and political elites mutually , in order to override all challenges and to  stabilize the process of democracy


Author(s):  
Wang Shaoguang

This chapter criticizes the emphasis on privatization, the destruction of the Maoist-style emphasis on social welfare, and the growing gap between rich and poor. It argues that more needs to be done to combat the inequalities generated by capitalist modernization in China. Political legitimacy is not something to be defined by moral philosophers in total abstraction from the political reality. Rather, it is a matter of whether or not a political system faces a crisis of legitimacy depends on whether the people who live there doubt the rightness of its power, and whether they consider it the appropriate system for their country. The chapter ultimately endorses a definition of legitimacy as the legitimacy of the popular will.


2018 ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
Marcin Łukaszewski

The political system of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland is of interest to researchers for several reasons. One of the most important motivations certainly involves the unique construction of its Constitution, the content of which is not formulated in a single legal act of a supreme status. This unwritten Constitution encompasses at least four parts. The most important part is undoubtedly constituted by one of three principles of the political system, namely the principle of the sovereignty (omnipotence) of parliament. This principle, which is regarded as a constitutional principle by some and as a principle above the Constitution by others, constitutes the core of British constitutional law. The topic of this paper is an attempt to indicate the boundaries of this principle in the British constitutional order and to place it in relation to remaining principles. The boundaries of this principle have been considered by British constitutionalists on numerous occasions. Considerations on the relation of this principle to the remaining elements of the Constitution have been the subject of interest for courts of law, including the House of Lords, which used to function as the court of last instance in judicial proceedings prior to the 2005 reform. It is worth emphasizing that even the lords/judges frequently disagreed on the boundaries of the principle and even on whether the principle can be examined by any court. There were also views that the principle is only a virtual construct, and even if it had ever applied to the political system at all, it can no longer be referred to, given contemporary European integration processes. The complicated combination of elements of the British constitution with the presence of the United Kingdom in the structures of the European Council and European Union (preceded by the European Community) have produced a number of interpretations of the principle of the omnipotence of the parliament in the new political reality the UK has found itself in. It was the adoption of the European Communities Act 1972, followed several decades later by the adoption of the European Union Act 2011 that led to the discussion on the construction of the British Constitution and either the approval or rejection of the concept that the Constitution of the United Kingdom with its meta-principle should be interpreted anew.


ZBORNIK MES ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Slobodan Petrović ◽  
Andrija Blanuša

The political-legal perspective of the development of the republics of the former SFRY can be obtained by a precise analysis of political developments in the former SFRY, viewed from the legal aspect, and under the influence of domestic and international factors that create a political reality in each individual republic. Building and taking care of a healthy, institutionally solid, legally dignified political system of one state is a challenge for every government, and therefore the government is a creator of an image of the political system, but also of innovative, economic, diplomatic, economic activity, which in many ways determines the level of democracy, the standard of living , the degree of political culture, constitutional and legal progress, the development of local self-government, and thus forms the image of a given society viewed through the lens of the political system. After its creation, the SFRY was a supranational state, with a federal political system, formed on the ruins of the outdated monarchist form of government, it had the futuristic contours of a real reality and, per its ideological concept, was significantly ahead of the time in which it existed. It was a symbol of sociological progress, synonymous with concepts that modern authors of political-legal thought today call cosmopolitanism. In this paper a comparative method of research will be applied, and based on it, will be presented the key determinants that define the social situation in the republics of the SFRY today, altogether with the proposals for the implementation of positive experiences, as well as the proposals for overcoming the potential difficulties of certain republics that they are facing today, considering that they have successfully overcome other similar obstacles.


Author(s):  
Viktor Valereyevich Titov

The present study analyzes five key trends in the digitalization of the Russian political space, which are clearly risky in nature. This is the possibility of “digital manipulation” of electoral processes, the chaos of political practices, the spread of new ma-nipulation technologies, the predominance of frag-mented emotional perception of political reality and the formation of numerous political simulacra, in-cluding virtual identities. Most of these risks have manifested themselves already nowadays, which contributes to the growth of conflicts in the Russian society and the crystallization of protest sentiments. In the conditions of mass fatigue from “bad” politi-cal news, a major role in the politics of the “post-truth era” will play the mechanism of emotional ar-rhythmia, when bursts of information activity alter-nate with political calm. It seems that each of the above mentioned risks has a significant potential to destabilize the political system of Russia, each of them is on an “upward wave” these days and will have a serious impact on the Russian political pro-cess in the 2020s.


2004 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
DETLEF POLLACK

This paper raises the question to what extent of East Germans support the political system in which they live. Have people who lived for decades under authoritarian conditions been able to develop a democratic culture? Or are their mind-sets and attitudes still influenced by the effects of GDR socialization with its socialist values and ideals? The paper argues that the peculiarities of the political culture in East Germany are less attributable to effects of GDR socialization than to current differences in the economic situation between East and West Germany.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (26) ◽  
pp. 37-49
Author(s):  
Elena M. Boldyreva ◽  

The article examines the system of creative roll calls of Alexander Solzhenitsyn and the сhinese writer Tsun Weisi, called by critics «Chinese Solzhenitsyn». The work of the writers is analyzed in the context of typologically similar trends in the russian and chinese literary process – russian prison camp prose and chinese literature of «wounds and scars» and «high walls literature», the fate of both writers is seen as an example of the complex confrontation between the individual and the totalitarian system. Comparing the works of Tsun Weisi and A. Solzhenitsyn the author reveals many motifs that are significant for the artistic world of the writers: rigid time localization and expansion of the time frame due to the introduction of heroes' memories into the narrative, description of the isolated world of the prison, the motive of physical and moral exhaustion, description of hard work and harsh realities of the surrounding nature, the motive of adversities and absurdity of the political system, motives of denunciation, betrayal and provocation. Along with this, the article considers significant differences in the reproduction of the main constants of prison camp discourse in Tsun Weisi and A. Solzhenitsyn’s works: relations among prisoners and between the authorities and prisoners, the ideological component of Tsun Weisi’s prison discourse, when the camp becomes a micro-model of the political system in the country, ideological and political priorities, determining the reduction of the object world and the poster character of the chinese writer, a high stone wall as a symbol of the Great Wall of China, impassable prison walls and the a priori doomed attempts to combat absurdity and injustice in an ever-changing brutal political reality.


Author(s):  
Andrei Nosikov

Extrapolating the network approach to the socio-political process as a whole, the article analyzes the phenomenon of connection of network space and political reality, characterized by the mutual influence and interdependence of the phenomena occurring in both areas. There are four main interfaces (public space, institutional outputs, direct action, radical action) of interaction between the network space and the political system. The author substantiates the significance of the phenomenon of connection as a determinant of the modern political process, identifies the main indicators of connection, anticipating significant changes in the political landscape. In conclusion, the author points out both the risks of connection, new challenges for today’s political institutions, and the emergence of new windows of opportunities for the modernization of socio-political institutions. Nine political designs are modeled based on conjugation connection.


2021 ◽  
pp. 114-135

In 1810–1811 two delegations of the Lithuanian nobility visited St. Petersburg in an attempt to draw attention of the Russian authorities to the problems of the West Guberniyas. One of them was headed by Duke Xavier Drucki-Lubecki. His Memorandum, probably intended for Michail M. Speranski, provides insight into the main ills of the Polish Guberniyas. Lubecki outlined the principal directions of the desired reforms of the economic situation, the political system of the guberniyas, as well as certain institutions of Polish-Lithuanian law.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document