scholarly journals Russian Political Space Faced with Digitalization: Main Risks

Author(s):  
Viktor Valereyevich Titov

The present study analyzes five key trends in the digitalization of the Russian political space, which are clearly risky in nature. This is the possibility of “digital manipulation” of electoral processes, the chaos of political practices, the spread of new ma-nipulation technologies, the predominance of frag-mented emotional perception of political reality and the formation of numerous political simulacra, in-cluding virtual identities. Most of these risks have manifested themselves already nowadays, which contributes to the growth of conflicts in the Russian society and the crystallization of protest sentiments. In the conditions of mass fatigue from “bad” politi-cal news, a major role in the politics of the “post-truth era” will play the mechanism of emotional ar-rhythmia, when bursts of information activity alter-nate with political calm. It seems that each of the above mentioned risks has a significant potential to destabilize the political system of Russia, each of them is on an “upward wave” these days and will have a serious impact on the Russian political pro-cess in the 2020s.

Author(s):  
Bogdan Ferens

The article is devoted to the issue of political space forming of contemporary Ukraine and European Union. The paper proposes a new classification of the political parties which are represented in Ukraine. It was determined by using different types of analysis the concept of “policy space” and its application in contemporary political science, main trends and relationships that directly affect the integration of Ukraine’s political system into the EU political space, importance of inter-party cooperation in the process of European integration.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Ahmed Adnan Kazem ◽  
Jassem Mohammed Ahmed

The Turkish governments had witnessed dramatic changes during several decades ,So the article researched in realistic situations to estimate the contemporary events according to what happened now a days . Therefore , many challenges must be tackled in order to assessment the political scene specially after several military intervention in political life ,So these developments required making of amendments in constitutional law to change the political system toward presidential order instead of parliamentary system , and this  was happened in constitutional amendments which hold in sixteenth of April 2017 as a result of it . Turkish policies were stable politically and lawfully according to practicing democracy ,and it could be easily to know the nature of political participation as followed constitutionally .So the potentially strongest forces are being enabled to renew the political elites ,and the economic miracle would redistribution of roles among active actors in political life .Erdoğan's supporters point out since the attempted coup which happened in amid of July 2016 ,So the governing party and its government tried to reconstruction of trust between the peoples and political elites mutually , in order to override all challenges and to  stabilize the process of democracy


Author(s):  
Wang Shaoguang

This chapter criticizes the emphasis on privatization, the destruction of the Maoist-style emphasis on social welfare, and the growing gap between rich and poor. It argues that more needs to be done to combat the inequalities generated by capitalist modernization in China. Political legitimacy is not something to be defined by moral philosophers in total abstraction from the political reality. Rather, it is a matter of whether or not a political system faces a crisis of legitimacy depends on whether the people who live there doubt the rightness of its power, and whether they consider it the appropriate system for their country. The chapter ultimately endorses a definition of legitimacy as the legitimacy of the popular will.


2018 ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
Marcin Łukaszewski

The political system of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland is of interest to researchers for several reasons. One of the most important motivations certainly involves the unique construction of its Constitution, the content of which is not formulated in a single legal act of a supreme status. This unwritten Constitution encompasses at least four parts. The most important part is undoubtedly constituted by one of three principles of the political system, namely the principle of the sovereignty (omnipotence) of parliament. This principle, which is regarded as a constitutional principle by some and as a principle above the Constitution by others, constitutes the core of British constitutional law. The topic of this paper is an attempt to indicate the boundaries of this principle in the British constitutional order and to place it in relation to remaining principles. The boundaries of this principle have been considered by British constitutionalists on numerous occasions. Considerations on the relation of this principle to the remaining elements of the Constitution have been the subject of interest for courts of law, including the House of Lords, which used to function as the court of last instance in judicial proceedings prior to the 2005 reform. It is worth emphasizing that even the lords/judges frequently disagreed on the boundaries of the principle and even on whether the principle can be examined by any court. There were also views that the principle is only a virtual construct, and even if it had ever applied to the political system at all, it can no longer be referred to, given contemporary European integration processes. The complicated combination of elements of the British constitution with the presence of the United Kingdom in the structures of the European Council and European Union (preceded by the European Community) have produced a number of interpretations of the principle of the omnipotence of the parliament in the new political reality the UK has found itself in. It was the adoption of the European Communities Act 1972, followed several decades later by the adoption of the European Union Act 2011 that led to the discussion on the construction of the British Constitution and either the approval or rejection of the concept that the Constitution of the United Kingdom with its meta-principle should be interpreted anew.


ZBORNIK MES ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Slobodan Petrović ◽  
Andrija Blanuša

The political-legal perspective of the development of the republics of the former SFRY can be obtained by a precise analysis of political developments in the former SFRY, viewed from the legal aspect, and under the influence of domestic and international factors that create a political reality in each individual republic. Building and taking care of a healthy, institutionally solid, legally dignified political system of one state is a challenge for every government, and therefore the government is a creator of an image of the political system, but also of innovative, economic, diplomatic, economic activity, which in many ways determines the level of democracy, the standard of living , the degree of political culture, constitutional and legal progress, the development of local self-government, and thus forms the image of a given society viewed through the lens of the political system. After its creation, the SFRY was a supranational state, with a federal political system, formed on the ruins of the outdated monarchist form of government, it had the futuristic contours of a real reality and, per its ideological concept, was significantly ahead of the time in which it existed. It was a symbol of sociological progress, synonymous with concepts that modern authors of political-legal thought today call cosmopolitanism. In this paper a comparative method of research will be applied, and based on it, will be presented the key determinants that define the social situation in the republics of the SFRY today, altogether with the proposals for the implementation of positive experiences, as well as the proposals for overcoming the potential difficulties of certain republics that they are facing today, considering that they have successfully overcome other similar obstacles.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana R. Fatykhova ◽  
Alexandr I. Ostroumov ◽  
Olga F. Ostroumova

The article examines the issue of modernization of the political system of Russia. Formation of a democratic political system is an integral part of Russia's modernization strategy. The relevance and objective need to develop an innovative strategy for the modernization of the political sphere of life in Russian society is determined by the inefficiency of existing political institutions, outdated principles, methods, technologies of organization and management, their inconsistency with modern realities, effective resolution of internal problems and global external challenges. The objective meaning of modernization is determined by modern Russian conditions, the nature of issues and contradictions that require their urgent solution.The study purpose is to develop a strategy for the innovative development of the political system of the Russian Federation. Achievement of this goal requires consideration of the basic conditions and contradictions of the modern development of the political system of the Russian Federation, the most important areas and priorities that contribute to its modernization.As a methodological base for the study, the work includes the following approaches and methods: systemic, structural-functional approaches, sociological, logical, historical and comparative methods, as well as analysis of conditions and contradictions that need to be resolved and contribute to the modernization of the political life of modern Russia.As a research result, we came to the following conclusions: 1. Modernization of the political system of the Russian Federation is an objectively necessary process. However, it is not the result of consensus, but a competition between innovators, conservatives and observers. 2. The strategic goal of modernizing the political system of Russian society is to make Russia one of the leading sovereign powers, with a republican democratic form of government, in which a person lives freely and comfortably. 3. Modernization of the political system shall cover the institutional (state, parties), communicative, regulatory and spiritual and ideological subsystems of Russia. 4. The result of democratic modernization of the political system shall be the formation of political institutions that really reflect and express the interests of social groups and strata and contribute to the formation of solidary community. 5. Creation of a system of ideas and values understandable to the majority of the population, and capable of uniting various layers and groups to carry out modernization. 6. As a result of modernization of the political system as a system of determining goals and priorities, the innovative mechanism becomes an inherent attribute of the development of Russian society. This is the strategic goal of modernization in Russia


2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (49) ◽  
pp. 261-266
Author(s):  
Roman A. EVTEKHOV ◽  

The paper deals with the problems of political style development in the Russian Federation governors' corps. There is few research on the issue of federal subjects heads' political style, which makes it necessary to consider it. The transformation of the democratic governing model in the 90's into a vertical one resulted in the change of the political roles and the participation of governors. In this regard, the modern style of political leadership of Russian governors was developing under the influence of some basic elements of the political system. The article highlights the main characteristic elements under the influence of which the political style of governorship is formed, in particular, institutionalization, professionalization, the significant role of informal ties, the formal responsibility to the population (voters), the lack of opportunities in setting a political agenda, and others.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetyana Nagornyak ◽  
Vasyl Buslenko

This article substantiates theoretical and methodological approaches regarding the impact of the power–opposition interrelations on strengthening and weakening of democracy. Based on the analysis of a number of indicators and modern political process in Poland, it has been established that democratisation takes place against the backdrop of the permanent formation and preservation of two opposed poles in the political space. Deflection from democracy increases the distance between two competing/conflicting parties – pro-government and opposition. This situation automatically accumulates the potential of pole's force. Therefore, the interrelations between the power and the opposition turn into the force of stratification and equalisation that allows reducing the "democracy deficit" and bring the political system into the state of equilibrium


2019 ◽  
pp. 25-32
Author(s):  
E. Kryukova ◽  
Yu. Slivchikova

The article sets out to analyze the changing political reality in Spain perturbed by such emerged parties as Podemos and Ciudadanos. While the first one appeared riding on the wave of the massive protests of the «indignant» caused by consequences of the economic crisis and was organized around the populist strategy, the second one was created initially to defend the rights of the Spanish people in Cataluña and gaining popularity grew from the regional party into the national one. The fact that these two young parties could win so fast the credibility of the citizens shows the weakness of the existing Spanish bipolar political system. The authors pretend to compare the programs of both parties and try to predict their possible influence on the political, social and economic situation in Spain.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (26) ◽  
pp. 37-49
Author(s):  
Elena M. Boldyreva ◽  

The article examines the system of creative roll calls of Alexander Solzhenitsyn and the сhinese writer Tsun Weisi, called by critics «Chinese Solzhenitsyn». The work of the writers is analyzed in the context of typologically similar trends in the russian and chinese literary process – russian prison camp prose and chinese literature of «wounds and scars» and «high walls literature», the fate of both writers is seen as an example of the complex confrontation between the individual and the totalitarian system. Comparing the works of Tsun Weisi and A. Solzhenitsyn the author reveals many motifs that are significant for the artistic world of the writers: rigid time localization and expansion of the time frame due to the introduction of heroes' memories into the narrative, description of the isolated world of the prison, the motive of physical and moral exhaustion, description of hard work and harsh realities of the surrounding nature, the motive of adversities and absurdity of the political system, motives of denunciation, betrayal and provocation. Along with this, the article considers significant differences in the reproduction of the main constants of prison camp discourse in Tsun Weisi and A. Solzhenitsyn’s works: relations among prisoners and between the authorities and prisoners, the ideological component of Tsun Weisi’s prison discourse, when the camp becomes a micro-model of the political system in the country, ideological and political priorities, determining the reduction of the object world and the poster character of the chinese writer, a high stone wall as a symbol of the Great Wall of China, impassable prison walls and the a priori doomed attempts to combat absurdity and injustice in an ever-changing brutal political reality.


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