scholarly journals Anti-Corruption Policy Strategies for Nigeria towards National Development: Evidence from Least Corrupt Countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Adeniran Adetayo Olaniyi

Anti-corruption policy strategies in Finland and Singapore were examined, and lessons were drawn for Nigeria. Finland and Singapore were chosen because they are among the least fifth corrupt countries in the world from 2010 to 2017, and they have different norms. Another reason is that the norm in Finland is fairly similar to the norms of Sweden, Denmark, Norway, New Zealand, and Australia which are also among the least corrupt countries in the world, while the norm of Singapore is fairly similar to Hong Kong and Japan which are also among the least corrupt countries in the world. It was revealed that the case of Nigerian society is similar to that of Singaporean society. In Finland, it was observed that anti-corruption measures and institutions are weak as it does not have a separate unit dedicated to investigate or prosecute corruption-related offences, but there is a guiding principle such that anti-corruption measures are integrated into general good governance policy grounded on the rule of law. Also in Singapore, anti-corruption was achieved through anti-corruption policy that has been in existence since the year 1959, although there was a situation of deplorable condition and widespread corrupt practices, but the new government in the late 1950s set up a strategy which resulted that top political leaders set themselves as role models for civil servants and showing zero tolerance for corrupt behaviour. Finally, recommendations were suggested.

2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sevidzem Stephen Kingah

AbstractIn the spirit of the Constitutive Act of the African Union we must work for a continent characterized by democratic principles and institutions which guarantee popular participation and provide for good governance. Through our actions, let us proclaim to the world that this is a continent of democracy, a continent of democratic institutions and culture. Indeed, a continent of good governance, where the people participate and the rule of law is upheld.


1990 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Stuart G. Hall

Constantine was already on his way to sainthood when Eusebius of Caesarea delivered panegyrics in his honour in 335—6. His Laudes are in the tradition of pagan panegyric, in which the virtues of the emperors were praised, especially their piety to the gods and the divine favour to them. Such had earlier been given to Constantine himself, relating him to his persecuting predecessors. But now it is his services to the one God the Creator, who inspired him with justice and wisdom to rule the Empire, to root out idolatrous error, and to set up the symbol of the Cross for mankind’s salvation. In the Life of Constantine, which must be largely or wholly from Eusebius, the whole career is surveyed in a form which combines panegyric, biography, history, and proclamation. The Emperor was, it was claimed, deeply, skilfully, and consistently Christian. He had fulfilled apocalyptic prophecy by destroying the persecuting dragon that corrupted the world, represented chiefly by Licinius. Constantine had filled the Empire with churches and Christian governors; he had pacified barbarians and brought them to the knowledge of God and the rule of law. In death he lay between monuments of Apostles, sharing the prayers of the Church to whose bosom he had finally been received in baptism. Coins depicted his ascent to heaven on a quadriga (a pagan tradition which Eusebius saw with Christian eyes), and the sons of his body continued to exercise his single, quasi-divine government of the world.


Author(s):  
W. Andy Knight

This chapter examines the UN’s role in promoting and encouraging democracy and good governance. The world organizations is in a pivotal position to help promote and strengthen the global norm that posits that democracy validates the quality of governance today. In order to be considered ‘democratic,’ governments should not only hold periodic free and fair elections and demonstrate the ability to govern inclusively and humanely. In addition, they should also respect human rights and the rule of law. Concurrently, the chapter argues that the UN should practice what it preaches and address its own democratic deficit, even as it helps to strengthen democracy at the national level.


2004 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-17

Considering that the Constitutive Act of the African Union recognizes that freedom, equality, justice, peace and dignity are essential objectives for the achievement of the legitimate aspiration of the African peoples; Further Considering that Article 3 of the said Constitutive Act enjoins Member States to coordinate and intensify their cooperation, unity, cohesion and efforts to achieve a better life for the peoples of Africa; Cognizant of the fact that the Constitutive Act of the African Union, inter alia, calls for the need to promote and protect human and peoples' rights, consolidate democratic institutions and foster a culture of democracy and ensure good governance and the rule of law; Aware of the need to respect human dignity and to foster the promotion of economic, social, and political rights in conformity with the provisions of the African Charter on Human and People's Rights and other relevant human rights instruments; Bearing in mind the 1990 Declaration on the Fundamental Changes Taking Place in the World and their Implications for Africa; the 1994 Cairo Agenda for Action Relaunching Africa's Socio-economic Transformation; and the Plan of Action Against Impunity adopted by the Nineteenth Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights in 1996 as subsequently endorsed by the Sixty fourth Ordinary Session of the Council of Ministers held in Yaounde, Cameroon in 1996 which, among others, underlined the need to observe principles of good governance, the primacy of law, human rights, democratization and popular participation by the African peoples in the processes of governance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-101
Author(s):  
Lukman Adebisi Abdulrauf

Emergencies, whether natural or man-made, are inevitable in contemporary societies. Although the nature and magnitude of such emergencies are usually unpredictable, governments across the world must adopt measures to mitigate and control the emergency while securing the lives and properties of the people. Since emergencies envisage exceptional circumstances, there may be the need for the suspension of the normal legal order and its temporary replacement with an extraordinary regime to help restore the normal legal order. During the subsistence of the extraordinary regime, the question that has always concerned modern-day constitutionalists is how the rule of law can be maintained in such a regime which is characterised by the suspension of the normal legal order. This concern is even more apparent in Africa considering the general attitude of political leaders who will want to take advantage of every opportunity to abuse human rights, consolidate powers and remain in government. All these concerns therefore centre on the nature and scope of state of emergency provisions in constitutions and their implementation. Therefore, in this article, I will comparatively analyse the nature and scope of state of emergency provisions under modern African constitutions to determine the extent to which they are inclusive and embrace the basic tenets of the rule of law. I will further interrogate the applicability of the rule of law in states of emergency using recent practices in selected African countries.


Author(s):  
Olugbemiga Samuel Afolabi ◽  
Titilayo Grace Amao-Kolawole ◽  
Afeez Kolawole Shittu ◽  
Olufunke Oluwanike Oguntokun

The chapter is predicated on the premise that strong adherence and commitment to the rule of law and good governance is essential for sustainable development. Using a holistic approach, the study established that Nigerian leaders have consistently disregarded the principles of rule of law and good governance, violating the ideal democratic values and institutions which undermine the country's sustainable development. Over long years of military rule, governance has been badly and negatively impacted because observance of rule of law and democratic tenets are not in consonance with military ethics and rule. Civilian regimes have not fared better. The process leading to non-sustainable development and underdevelopment are mostly accompanied by the subversion of due process, the manipulation of existing laws and regulations to suit parochial interests. The chapter concluded that for sustainable development to take effect, there is need for re-orientation of political leaders towards adherence to the principle of rule of law and good governance as the foundation for sustainable development in Nigeria.


2019 ◽  
pp. 605-616
Author(s):  
Andrew Boutros

As part of its development efforts, the World Bank has a fiduciary duty to ensure that its funds are used for their intended purposes and with due attention to economy and efficiency. In furtherance of this fiduciary duty, the Bank’s anti-corruption measures seek to incorporate processes that ensure standards of good governance and conformity with principles of the rule of law. Indeed, fraud and corruption weaken institutions and divert essential resources from those who are supposed to benefit the most: the poor. Since the mid-1990s, the World Bank has worked to develop a robust sanctions system that is efficient, effective, and fair, offering accused parties a fair process through which they can present their defense. The World Bank has also sought to work with its partners to deter and prevent misconduct from occurring in the first place. This chapter describes the history and evolution of the World Bank’s sanctions system and its efforts to combat fraud and corruption in its development activities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-104
Author(s):  
Rustam Magun Pikahulan

Abstract: The Plato's conception of the rule of law states that good governance is based on good law. The organization also spreads to the world of Supreme Court justices, the election caused a decadence to the institutional status of the House of Representatives as a people's representative in the government whose implementation was not in line with the decision of the Constitutional Court. Based on the decision of the Constitutional Court No.27/PUU-XI/2013 explains that the House of Representatives no longer has the authority to conduct due diligence and suitability (elect) to prospective Supreme Judges proposed by the Judicial Commission. The House of Representatives can only approve or disapprove candidates for Supreme Court Justices that have been submitted by the Judicial Commission. In addition, the proportion of proposed Supreme Court Justices from the judicial commission to the House of Representatives (DPR) has changed, whereas previously the Judicial Commission had to propose 3 (three) of each vacancy for the Justices, now it is only one of each vacant for Supreme Court Judges. by the Supreme Court. The House of Representatives no longer has the authority to conduct due diligence and suitability (elect) to prospective Supreme Judges proposed by the Judicial Commission. The House of Representatives can only "approve" or "disagree" the Supreme Judge candidates nominated by the Judicial Commission.


Author(s):  
Eric Patterson

Scholars and political leaders have recently grown increasingly uncomfortable with terms like victory and ‘unconditional surrender’. One reason for this becomes clear when reconsidering the concept of ‘victory’ in terms of ethics and policy in times of war. The just war tradition emphasizes limits and restraint in the conduct of war but also highlights state agency, the rule of law, and appropriate war aims in its historic tenets of right authority, just cause, and right intention. Indeed, the establishment of order and justice are legitimate war aims. Should we not also consider them exemplars, or markers, of just victory? This chapter discusses debates over how conflicts end that have made ‘victory’ problematic and evaluates how just war principles—including jus post bellum principles—help define a moral post-conflict situation that is not just peace, but may perhaps be called ‘victory’ as well.


Author(s):  
Henk Addink

The pivotal aim of this book is to explain the creation, development, and impact of good governance from a conceptual, principal perspective and in the context of national administrative law. Three lines of reasoning have been worked out: developing the concept of good governance; specification of this concept by developing principles of good governance; and implementation of these principles of good governance on the national level. In this phase of further development of good governance, it is important to have a clear concept of good governance, presented in this book as the third cornerstone of a modern state, alongside the concepts of the rule of law and democracy. That is a rather new national administrative law perspective which is influenced by regional and international legal developments; thus, we can speak about good governance as a multilevel concept. But the question is: how is this concept of good governance further developed? Six principles of good governance (which in a narrower sense also qualify as principles of good administration) have been further specified in a systematic way, from a legal perspective. These are the principles of properness, transparency, participation, effectiveness, accountability, and human rights. Furthermore, the link has been made with integrity standards. The important developments of each of these principles are described on the national level in Europe, but also in countries outside Europe (such as Australia, Canada, and South Africa). This book gives a systematic comparison of the implementation of the principles of good governance between countries.


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