scholarly journals Learning From Personality A.H. Nasution: Starting from Glory to Getting Out of the Political and Military Stage in Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-26
Author(s):  
Samudra Eka Cipta

General Abdul Haris Nasution is a national hero who has been educated from the military. Starting from being the Commander of the KNIL (Dutch East Indies Army) to becoming Minister of Internal Defense. Nasution once served as Commander of the Siliwangi Military Command. Nasution was very true of the military world. Nasution had been the target of murder from the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party). However, Nasution escaped death until he suffered minor injuries and legs. Nasution was also entrusted as Chair of the MPRS (Provisional People's Consultative Assembly). When Soekarno was confronted by Mahmilub (Extraordinary Court) by reading Pel-Nakwasara (Complementary Nakwasara) which contained about the pledoi for his defense efforts related to the G 30 S (September 30, 1965). Nasution, who was then chairman of the MPRS, refused the pledoi and immediately replaced Suharto as president. The New Order period lasted for 32 years Nasution's fate became increasingly tragic. Nasution was withdrawn from military service by Soeharto when it was proven in the Petition Objection 50 which was signed by several former generals and officers loyal to Sukarno to criticize Suharto's policies at that time. This researchs uses historical research methods, in this study aims to study more deeply about the figure of Abdul Haris Nasution began his career as a military until the end of the tragic as a retired soldier. The problem in this research is 1) How is the initial gait of A.H. Nasution? 2) How was Abdul Haris Nasution's role in defending Indonesia's independence 3) how Nasution's relationship with Sukarno and Suharto.

1944 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-217
Author(s):  
F. C MURPHY ◽  
R. W. POSTLETHWAIT

Author(s):  
Elena A. Schneider

Chapter 6 links the Aponte slave rebellion in Cuba, which took place fifty years after the siege of Havana, with the wide-ranging impacts of the British invasion and occupation. After Spain regained Havana, Spain took unprecedented measures to promote transatlantic human trafficking, including the annexation in 1778 of what would become its only sub-Saharan African colony, Equatorial Guinea, as well as the tightening of ties to the Spanish Philippines, which was seen as an essential source of goods for exchange in the slave trade. Its Enlightenment-inspired reforms also included new efforts to promote the military service of Spain’s black subjects in both Cuba and greater Spanish America. In the decades that followed the Seven Years’ War, the men of African descent who had defended Cuba from British attack in 1762 sought the continuation and expansion of their many roles buttressing Spanish colonialism; however, white elites in Havana wanted new departures in Spanish imperial political economy and persuaded policymakers in Madrid to grant them. Their efforts remade the political economy of the island, more severely restricted the traditional privileges of free black soldiers and all people of African descent, and ultimately contributed to the outbreak of the Aponte Rebellion.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-82
Author(s):  
Patrick Lacroix

The Treaty of Paris of 1783 brought the American War of Independence to a formal end. But all was not resolved with the return of peace to North America. Loyalists had to build new lives in Canada and elsewhere across the British empire. Similarly, Canadians who had supported and fought for the revolutionary cause were no longer welcome in their ancestral homeland. After years of hardship in the ranks of the Continental Army, they remained south of the border. Both in and out of military service, Canadian soldiers and their families held the political and the military authorities of the United States to the lofty pledges they had made in 1775–1776. In response, despite acute financial constraints, American leaders sought to honor their word. Through varied forms of compensation, policymakers aimed to uphold the moral character of the young nation and to ensure that all those who sacrificed for liberty might reap the blessings of independence.


2020 ◽  
pp. 97-110
Author(s):  
Yevgeny Ryabinin

The hypothesis of this research is that Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before the political and military crisis in 2013, it was an indirect influence, whereas since 2014 it has been a direct impact in many spheres. It is necessary to underline that Ukraine has always been split into two parts in terms of foreign policy priorities, language, religion, and culture. This fact was mentioned by Samuel Huntington, who predicted an intense crisis in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine in his work Clash of Civilizations. There were two parties in Ukraine that were widely supported in South-Eastern Ukraine, namely the Party of Regions and the Communist Party. The former never spoke about the integration of Ukraine as part of Russian integrational projects because its politicians were afraid of aggressive Russian capital. So they only used pro-Russian rhetoric to win elections. The Communist Party openly backed integration with Russia, but didn’t get enough support as for this idea. It is also demonstrated that there were no parties that were backed financially by Russia, because the parties that offered a kind of a union with Russia never got any seats in the parliament. Since 2014, Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine in various spheres, such as economics, politics, diplomacy, the military sphere, etc. Having signed two cease-fire agreements, Russia and Ukraine have failed to apply them and the crisis continues to this day.


1982 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
John E. Dreifort

The sudden collapse of France in June 1940 presented Japan with a golden opportunity to exploit French discomfiture and remove several obstacles to its New Order in East Asia. Indeed, the military extremists, who had been temporarily held in check since the humiliation caused by the Nazi–Soviet Pact of August 1939, could no longer be restrained. By seizing Indochina, Japan would be in a strong position to force an end to its interminable struggle with China on its own terms. The large quantity of supplies that had flowed through Indochina to Chinese forces — a situation that had greatly embittered the Japanese and had slowly poisoned Franco–Japanese relations during the past three years — could be brought to a halt. Chiang Kai-shek, further isolated and confronted with the loss of one of his few remaining channels of supply, might be finally forced to give up the fight. Moreover, Indochina could provide Japan with significant supplies of rubber, tin, coal, and rice and thus go a long way toward ending its dependence upon foreign sources for these strategic raw materials. Finally, the strategic location of Indochina meant that it could serve admirably as an advanced base from which the Japanese could strike out against the Far Eastern possessions of the other Western colonial powers — the East Indies, Malaya, Burma, and the Philippines.


2021 ◽  
Vol 100 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-198
Author(s):  
Matthew Dziennik

In 1745–6, thousands of troops were raised in the Highlands and Islands in support of the house of Hanover. Often neglected due to the intense focus on Highland Jacobitism, these Gaels were instrumental in the defeat of the Jacobites. The study of pro-Hanoverian forces in the Gàidhealtachd tells us much not only about the military history of the 1745 rebellion but also about the nature of the whig regime in Scotland. In contrast to the ideological frameworks increasingly used to make sense of the Jacobite period, this article argues that pragmatic negotiations between the central government and the whig clans helped mobilise and empower regional responses to the rebellion. Exploiting the government's need for Gaelic allies in late 1745, Highland leaders, officers, and enlisted men used military service to shore up a nexus of political, financial and security imperatives. By examining the recruitment and service of anti-Jacobite Gaels, this article shows that—even in the epicentre of the rebellion—the Hanoverian state possessed important structural strengths that enabled it to confront the threat of armed insurrection. In so doing, the article reveals the political and fiscal-military networks that sustained whig control in Scotland.


1995 ◽  
Vol 143 ◽  
pp. 784-800 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy T. Paltiel

Civil-military relations in China demonstrate a unique fusion of military and political leadership within the Communist Party. Variously described as a “symbiosis,” “dual-role elite” or “the Party in uniform,” this feature rooted in the guerrilla experience of the Chinese Communist Party was sustained over six decades by the political longevity of the Long March generation. The civil war experience formed political leaders skilled in both civil affairs and military command. Analysts of civil-military relations in China must therefore define the scope of “civil” in relation to the Chinese Communist Party.


Tsaqofah ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (02) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Khairul Tri Anjani

Juvenile delinquency in Jakarta Theft of Lighters in Student Boarding Areas 1965-1998. This study aims to determine the juvenile delinquency in Jakarta in the theft of matches in the 1965 student boarding area, besides that the authors also expect readers to understand juvenile delinquency in Jakarta. Research uses historical research methods. The method used is heuristics, criticism / verification, interpretation and historical writing. The results of the study understood the initial program of economic and education policy during  the  New  Order  government,  could  understand  juvenile  delinquency  in  the  student  settlement environment during the New Order government, outline match theft and its continued development until the end of the new order government.


2016 ◽  
pp. 291-308
Author(s):  
Lorena Guerrero ◽  
José Alejandro Cifuentes

El siguiente artículo abarca los aspectos políticos durante el régimen militar de Gustavo Rojas Pinilla como contexto de la prensa producida por el Partido Comunista Colombiano. Se analiza la revista Documentos Políticos del Partido Comunista de Colombia, por ser un ejemplo de oposición ante aquel periodo antidemocrático. Es así como, mediante un recorrido histórico de aquel periodo, en el que las libertades democráticas fueron restringidas, podemos dar a conocer el trabajo intelectual y político de un grupo de la izquierda colombiana. Además, resaltamos el carácter testimonial de esta publicación a la hora de abordar una historia de la izquierda en Colombia, y más concretamente una historia del Partido Comunista en la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Palabras claves: prensa, izquierda, revista comunista, oposición al Régimen militar, comunistas   Abstract Alternative and Leftist Press: The Case of the Magazine Documentos Políticos in the Final Period of La Violencia The following article covers the political aspects during the military regime of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, as a context to the press produced by the Colombian Communist Party. It analyzes the magazine Documentos Políticos (Political Papers) published by the Communist Party of Colombia, since it is an example of opposition to that antidemocratic period. Thus, by means of a systematic historical approach of that period, in which democratic freedoms were restricted, we can better understand the intellectual and political work of a group of the Colombian left. Furthermore, we highlight the testimonial character of this publication when addressing the history of the left in Colombia, and more specifically the history of the Communist Party in the second half of the twentieth century. Key words: Press, the left, communist magazine, opposition to the military regime, communist


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gatot Sudjito

The study aims to answer the question of how: (1) political configuration that putsIndonesia in 1971-1997 Golkar as a single force (2) political configuration in 1998 thatcaused the New Order government fell, and (3) the political configuration in 1999-2009resulting Golkar political disorientation. The results: (1) the political configuration ofIndonesia in 1971-1997 accidentally put Golkar as a single force on the grounds that thegovernment can carry out the construction with smooth and stable. Sekber-military formwith the government, Golkar then follow the 1971 general election and won an absoluteacquire 62.82% of the vote. Thanks to that victory, Golkar and the military dominatedparliament. Various attempts were made by the government in order to Golkar remains asingular force that harm the PPP and PDI, the result, until the 1997 election Golkar alwayswins absolute; (2) As a result of the New Order regime always manipulate the orderabsolute win Golkar, the public is not satisfied, the scent of corruption in the preparation ofDevelopment Cabinet VII concurrent multi-dimensional crisis of 1997 to encourage peopledemanded a change in many lives. The insistence of the President submit his cause to B.J.Habibie to date May 21, 1998. Since then New Order, (3) After the fall of the New Order,Golkar as also fell. With the remnants of the existing resources can Golkar following the1999 elections, the results dropped dramatically compared to the 1997 election due to: (1)Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the New Order era Golkar political structure intactbequeath to future generations, (2) the Golkar elite divisions; (3) the loss of support of themilitary and civil servants, (4) a more competitive electoral policies, (5) the division ofvoters into 47 political parties, (6) the emergence of a new reformist parties. The successof the Golkar Party in the 2004 elections resulting from the internal side: (1) the GolkarParty fought a modern and independent party, (2) political machine that has formedrevived; (3) more democratic, (4) the persistence of traditional voters, and (5 ) personalfactors Akbar. Of external factors as: (1) some people miss the New Order government andreselect the Golkar Party, (2) Some supporters of the PDIP in the 1999 elections Golkar.Keywords: state, Golkar, political configuration.


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