Journal of Contemporary Governance and Public Policy
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Published By Pusat Penelitian Ilmu Sosial Dan Humaniora Kontemporer

2722-3973, 2722-3981

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Asri Nur Aina ◽  
Siswidyanto Siswidyanto ◽  
Ainul Hayat

This article aimed to analyze the Government Policy in the process of implementing education to improve National Security at the Sebatik Island of Nunukan Regency. The author analyzed using Bardach’s Eightfold path to more effective problem solving which consists of defining the problem, assembling the evidence, constructing the alternatives, selecting the criteria, projecting the outcomes, confronting the trade-offs, deciding, and telling the story. This is a descriptive-type study with a qualitative approach. Study results shows that in Nunukan Regency, especially Sebatik Island that is considered as a Frontier, Outermost, and Underdeveloped region, which also lies at the border between Malaysia and Indonesia—haven’t been optimally carrying out policies on education implementation for improving national security. This was also proven by the number of schools that lack the necessary facilities and infrastructures, in addition to the curriculum that has yet to instil national security strengthening in schools and the lack of routine for nationalism-related activities given by the local government. Therefore, the local government should synergize with other parties, such as the Indonesian Army and education communities to improve national security in Sebatik Island while also strengthen the students’ sense of nationalism through accommodating school subjects on Indonesian nationality and culture.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-30
Author(s):  
Ilyas Mohammed

Since 9/11 countering different types of violence through CVE and PVE programs have become a central policy concern for many in the Western and non-Western countries such as the UK, France, the United States and Indonesia. These countries have launched various CVE and PVE programs to prevent what scholars call radicalisation and de-radicalise those dammed to have been radicalised. These programs' focus is often to build community resilience and persuade individuals to adopt a liberal or state-oriented understanding of Islam. However, how successful these programs are is not clear. In some cases, these programs have been counterproductive because they have fostered Islamophobia and mistrust, as is the case with the UK's Prevent strategy. This paper will take the UK as a case study and propose a non-religious conceptual framework by using strain and fusion theory and interview data to explain why some British Muslims decided to engage in terrorism. In doing so, the paper will argue that if the UK government is to prevent such decisions, it needs to focus on addressing the socio-political causes that engender motivations to engage in terrorism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
M.S. Dimuthu Kumari

Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic society hence the ethnic integration has been a hot topic for decades.   By 2021, it has been 73 years after the independence from British empires, however, natives still struggle for the reconciliation among themselves. Often occurred ethnic clashes usually account for a huge social and economic cost.  Various scholars have highlighted that youth is highly active in initiating ethnic clashes. And, it is quoted specifically for the ‘Educated youth’ in Sri Lankan context. Therefore, this study explores the perceptions of ‘multi-ethnic, educated youth’ in heightening ethnic integration in Sri Lanka. This study utilized quantitative research approach and survey method. Primary data was mainly used for the study and collected through an online questionnaire. 100 multi-ethnic youth who are studying in higher education institutions in Sri Lanka selected as the sample using random sampling technique.  The readiness of respondents was basically measured through their perceptions with respect to the social integration model proposed by Awang et al (2019). Descriptive statistics were used in analyzing data. The results showed that the overall readiness of educated youth in promoting ethnic integration is high in Sri Lankan context. The respondents are almost ready for the social acceptance and cultural appreciation levels of the model. However, they have showed, relatively a slight attraction towards compromisation and adaptation levels for which a high degree of ethnic tolerance is required. Therefore, it can be concluded that the majority of educated youth are social extroverts and are aware the importance of integration. However, since they showed a little attraction towards the upper layers of integration pyramid, there is a need of re-evaluating existing social integration policies. So that, some policy recommendations are suggested to enhance more operational activities in reconciliation process to reach the upper levels of ethnic integration (compromization and adaptation) in Sri Lankan context.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-66
Author(s):  
Shah Md Azimul Ehsan

Once termed as a basket case, Bangladesh is now a development wonder. Recently, it has entered the cluster of lower-middle-income countries and is predicted to join the cohort of developed ones by 2041. However, the challenge that lies ahead is to sustain the current economic growth with the emerging threat of the fourth industrial revolution (4IR). There is no doubt that the country have the upper hand in order to counter these emerging critical scenario with its huge number of youths. Nonetheless, it will be pertinent to turn these youth force into productive human capital through providing both general and technical education in order to yield higher returns. On this backdrop, this study attempts to know whether our existing tertiary education system is rendering quality education to convert our youth force into effective human resources. Using qualitative tools of social research and drawing information from various secondary sources, the study argues that the existing tertiary education system is failing to produce skilled human resources which is again resulting in lower returns to the economy.  Undoubtedly there has been quantitative progress in tertiary level education; nevertheless, the worrying factor has been regarding its quality. The crisis has not happened owing to the absence of adequate policy framework rather the translation of those into reality. This study offers a modest suggestion to take immediate steps by the government of Bangladesh to implement the recommendations as stated in the key policy instruments related to education and skill development along with the significant increase in the budgetary allocation for the tertiary education sector. In addition, efforts has to be put for transforming the existing University Grants Commission (UGC) into Higher Education Commission (HEC). Moreover, activation of the accreditation council is now a crying need for further improving the quality of education at the tertiary level.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-78
Author(s):  
Paradzai Munyede

The concept of good corporate governance has gaining traction over the last three decades in the private and public sectors as a response to serious financial scandals and maladministration practices in organisations around the globe. Antidotes provided in previous studies on these corporate failures attributed this to poor board compositions and inadequate separation of power. Whilst this was part of the problem, little effort was put to understand how Chief Executive Officers (CEOs) term limits could also contribute to good governance practice which would make organisations avoid scandals. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to explore how capping CEOs tenure could enhance good corporate governance in the public and private sectors. This paper is based on a qualitative approach and used content analysis to review data from published records like journal articles. This article posited that capped term limit in both the public and private sectors is ideal as it enhances good corporate governance practice which in turn will make institutions effective and responsive to changes in their operating environment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-107
Author(s):  
Daniyar Sarbagishev ◽  
Mergen Dyussenov

The article looks into Anti-Money Laundering and Combating the Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT) policy issues through all stages of a policymaking process, across two Central Asian nations, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyz Republic . It does so through the prism of the role of key actors at each stage of policymaking. Among the key findings of this paper is that the implementation of anti-laundering policy in Kyrgyzstan has constantly been confronted with opposition from a range of key actors, specifically fractions within the parliament, as well as business communities and NGOs, while Kazakhstan faced policy implementation hurdles in a much less degree since both chambers of the national parliament did not express open resistance to the adoption of new amendments to the basic Law. Despite the higher resistance to AML/CFT policy implementation in the Kyrgyz parliament vis-à-vis its Kazakh counterpart, Kyrgyz Republic succeeded in passing the new Law due to a change in political power in 2017. Although both Kazakhstan and Kyrgyz Republic appear to move in the same policy direction overall while taking adequate measures to improve their AML/CFT policy systems in accordance with international standards, the specific stages of policymaking reveal interesting discrepancies, especially at the policy formulation and decision-making stages. This research appears to be the first and somewhat unique scholarly attempt to analyze a policy issue through a comprehensive policymaking cycle, i.e. all the way from agenda-setting to policy evaluation. More importantly, it looks into Central Asian context, the region that remains largely understudied.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-91
Author(s):  
Pronita Dutta

In recent decades, developing Asian nations have witnessed the emergence of democratic decentralized governance structures, and with it a shift towards a more people-centric approach to development. Proponents claim the new approach can humanize bureaucracies and provide solutions to problems of poverty and social inequity. Despite their popularity, difficulties in implementation have been found, and questions are now being asked about the ‘real’ effectiveness of such frameworks. Discussing first the tenets of participatory development and its symbiotic relationship with democratic decentralized on this paper looks at the challenges faced in decentralizing a decentralized participatory framework and the critical components needed for success. It draws on examples from within developing Asia to highlight the many complexities of the issue, such as different cultural beliefs, political forces, administrative arrangements and varying perceptions. It argues that where incorrectly implemented, a decentralized participatory structure can prove ineffective for local people, in some cases leading to practical disillusions and further disadvantage.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-121
Author(s):  
Harum Bunga Melati

Bandung Square in Indonesia is a public outdoors that has many visitors from various regions. One of the parts that make up Bandung town square is sign boards as a symbol of written rules that all square visitors must obey. The background of this research is that Bandung town square is equipped with a lot of sign boards with different rules in every corner. Besides, civil service police units and public protection officers also take part in guarding around Bandung town square, so the researcher want to know more about the implementation of the rules contained in the Bandung town square because the researcher still found several violations. This study aims to determine the regulation implementation effectiveness of outdoors users in town square of Bandung. The advantages of this goal are as a reflection for social institutions in maintaining public regulation and as a reminder to town square visitors to be more obedient to the rules that applied to maintain comfort. This type of research is a qualitative research conducted using descriptive methods. Research data were collected using interviews with instruments in the form of questions about the subject matter. The data collected was described using qualitative-descriptive analysis. Based on data findings in the field, it shows that the implementation of the regulation in Bandung town square is quite effective, because there are still some violations found and their social institutions are still less firm and conducive in carrying out social control there. So, public order still has not been achieved according to the expected goals.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-81
Author(s):  
Abdillah Abdillah ◽  
Nandang Alamsah Deliarnoor ◽  
Neneng Yani Yuningsih ◽  
Fatmawati Fatmawati

This Article aims to explain how the West Java Quick Response position in the West Java regional government system 2018-2020 as an auxiliary institution outside the main government institutions is a new problem in the West Java regional government system. This type of research is qualitative with descriptive type. Data collection techniques are observation, interview, and documentation. The number of informants are 11 people who are determined proportionally. The results showed that the position of West Java Quick Response in the local government system in West Java 2018-2020 by looking at the two principles of independent institution criteria, namely First, the Policy Principle, and second, the Tenure or not-Political Party Principle. It can be concluded that West Java's Quick Response position in the regional government system of West Java 2018-2020 is not only a supporting institution, which helps, and supports humanitarian and social tasks, as well as the political stability of the governor of West Java as the regional head. West Java Quick Response in addition to being an innovation in West Java regional government in an effort to realize Good Governance. Although the position JQR cause problem, but it is also an effective step in the politics of the governor of West Java in carrying out leadership as the regional head in the government of West Java.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-66
Author(s):  
Shuvra Chowdhury

Gender Responsive budgeting (GRB) is among a few approaches for gender mainstreaming that has been introduced by the governments around the world or international funding organizations to institutionalize gender equality in public reforms. The formal processes of planning and budgeting at the Union Parishad (UP) - the lowest administrative tier of Bangladesh- offer general citizens to raise their demands at the local level. Besides, there is a provision that a 30% fund will be earmarked for women. In this paper, the case of UP gender budgeting practice was analyzed from a gender perspective. On the basis of case oriented qualitative research strategy, this was an empirical study of 06 (six) UPs of three different districts of Bangladesh. The data of this study indicated that members of the Non-Government Organizations (NGO) played a catalyst role in enhancing the access of women in the UP planning and budgeting processes. Along with the existing problems of local-level planning, lack of fiscal decentralization including resource constraint, absence of women development funding, the absence of women administrative officers at the different layers of government offices and obstacles and resistances in religion and patriarchal dimensions are inhibiting women to participate in the participatory processes. For implementing the GRB reform agenda suggestions are made for creating independent women budget groups at the local government level and researching on a broader perspective on GRB issues at the central government level.   


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