scholarly journals Prensa alternativa e izquierda: el caso de la revista Documentos Políticos en el periodo final de La Violencia

2016 ◽  
pp. 291-308
Author(s):  
Lorena Guerrero ◽  
José Alejandro Cifuentes
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Work ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
Siglo Xx

El siguiente artículo abarca los aspectos políticos durante el régimen militar de Gustavo Rojas Pinilla como contexto de la prensa producida por el Partido Comunista Colombiano. Se analiza la revista Documentos Políticos del Partido Comunista de Colombia, por ser un ejemplo de oposición ante aquel periodo antidemocrático. Es así como, mediante un recorrido histórico de aquel periodo, en el que las libertades democráticas fueron restringidas, podemos dar a conocer el trabajo intelectual y político de un grupo de la izquierda colombiana. Además, resaltamos el carácter testimonial de esta publicación a la hora de abordar una historia de la izquierda en Colombia, y más concretamente una historia del Partido Comunista en la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Palabras claves: prensa, izquierda, revista comunista, oposición al Régimen militar, comunistas   Abstract Alternative and Leftist Press: The Case of the Magazine Documentos Políticos in the Final Period of La Violencia The following article covers the political aspects during the military regime of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, as a context to the press produced by the Colombian Communist Party. It analyzes the magazine Documentos Políticos (Political Papers) published by the Communist Party of Colombia, since it is an example of opposition to that antidemocratic period. Thus, by means of a systematic historical approach of that period, in which democratic freedoms were restricted, we can better understand the intellectual and political work of a group of the Colombian left. Furthermore, we highlight the testimonial character of this publication when addressing the history of the left in Colombia, and more specifically the history of the Communist Party in the second half of the twentieth century. Key words: Press, the left, communist magazine, opposition to the military regime, communist

scholarly journals La delegación carlista de Matías Barrio y Mier (1899-1909). Continuismo tradicionalista

STUDIUM ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 161-193
Author(s):  
Agustín Fernández Escudero
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Public Space ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
History Of ◽  
Don Carlos ◽  
Siglo Xx

Resumen El carlismo de los primeros años del siglo xx estaba dirigido por Matías Barrio y Mier, un tradicionalista, abogado y catedrático, al que don Carlos —Carlos VII para los carlistas—, nombró su delegado en diciembre de 1899, tras la dimisión del marqués de Cerralbo. Este profesor continuó ejerciendo la representación carlista hasta su muerte en junio de 1909, dejando un partido que había superado la crisis de 1900 y que buscaba su propio espacio público. Por otro lado, se ha visto que a don Carlos en aquellos años le preocupaba, más que la situación política o económica de España, constatar que no estaba dispuesto a abdicar en su hijo don Jaime y que, en la última sublevación carlista de 1900, él no había tenido participación. Por tanto, se ha considerado necesario mostrar la defensa que hacía el pretendiente de sus derechos dinásticos, contextualizándola con los cruciales momentos de la Historia de España en los años de la delegación de Barrio y Mier. Palabras clave: carlismo, don Carlos, Barrio y Mier, don Jaime, Feliú, marqués de Cerralbo   Abstract The carlism of early twentieth century. Carlism directed by Matías Barrio y Mier, a traditionalist, a lawyer and professor, which don Carlos, Charles VII to the Carlists, named his deputy in December 1899, following the demission of the Marquis of Cerralbo. This teacher continued to exercise the Carlist representation until his death in June 1909, leaving a party that had overcome the crisis of 1900 and sought their own public space. On the other hand, it has been seen that don Carlos in those years was concerned, rather than the political situation or economic of Spain, finding that it was not willing to abdicate in his son don Jaime and the last Carlist uprising in 1900, he had not been involved. Therefore, it was considered necessary to show the defense that made the suitor of his dynastic rights, contextualizing the crucial moments in the history of Spain in the years of the delegation of Barrio y Mier. Key words: carlism, don Carlos, Barrio y Mier, don Jaime, Feliú, Marquis of Cerralbo

scholarly journals De um ditador civil aos ditadores militares

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Franciel José Ganancini
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Getulio Vargas ◽  
The Military

Resumo: Este artigo aborda uma parte da história política do Brasil, situando o período compreendido entre os governos de Getúlio Vargas, a partir de 1930, e o golpe civil-militar de 1964. O referido período esteve marcado por profundas mudanças econômicas, políticas e culturais, seja no Brasil, seja no restante do mundo. No artigo abordaremos a ascensão de Getúlio Vargas, o seu relacionamento com os militares, bem como o fortalecimento das Forças Armadas e sua atuação na política brasileira do século XX. Palavras-chave: Getúlio Vargas. Forças Armadas. Golpe de 1964. FROM A CIVIL DICTATOR TO MILITARY DICTATORS Abstract: This article discusses some of the political history of Brazil, closing the period between Getulio Vargas’s governments, in 1930, and civil-military coup in 1964. This period was marked by deep economic, political and cultural changes, both in Brazil and in the world. In this article we discuss the rise of Getulio Vargas’s government, his relationship with the military, as well as the strengthening of the armed forces and its role in the twentieth century Brazilian politics. Keywords: Getúlio Vargas. Military Forces. Coup of 1964.

NASCIMENTO MORAES E SEU PENSAMENTO EDUCACIONAL INCLUSIVO COM AS ESCOLAS PARA CRIANá‡AS POBRES

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (25) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
MARILEIA DOS SANTOS CRUZ
Keyword(s):  
Short Stories ◽  
Popular Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Black Teacher ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
Poor Children ◽  
Siglo Xx ◽  
Educational Thinking

 O professor e jornalista negro José do Nascimento Moraes destacou-se escrevendo crônicas, contos e poesias nos principais jornais maranhenses da primeira metade do século XX. Era um defensor da promoção da escolarização para os pobres e constantemente debatia os problemas polá­ticos, sociais e educacionais maranhenses. Foi o inspirador da criação das ”escolas dos pés descalços”. Essa escola era destinada a crianças extremamente pobres que poderiam frequentar as aulas com qualquer roupa e até descalças. Nascimento Moraes deve ser caracterizado como um intelectual da educação, já que na sua trajetória profissional deixou vasta contribuição sobre temáticas relativas ao campo. Por muitas vezes, fez uso do espaço da imprensa para denunciar a precariedade da instrução pública maranhense e divulgar ideias pedagógicas, dando ênfase, principalmente, á  defesa da educação popular. Ele defendia o rompimento com a sociedade organizada por castas sociais, especializada em distribuir os melhores espaços sociais aos membros das elites econômicas.Palavras-chave: Professor negro. Escolarização de pobres. História da educação maranhense.  NASCIMENTO MORAES AND HIS INCLUSIVE EDUCATIONAL THINKING WITH SCHOOLS FOR POOR CHILDRENAbstract: The teacher and black journalist José do Nascimento Moraes stood out by writing chronicles, short stories and poems in the main newspapers of the first half of the 20th century in Maranhão. He was a champion of the promotion of schooling for the poor and constantly debated the political, social and educational problems of Maranhão. He was the inspiration behind the creation of "barefoot schools". This school was intended for extremely poor children who could attend classes in any outfit and even barefoot. Nascimento Moraes must be characterized as an intellectual of education, since in his professional trajectory he left a vast contribution on themes related to the field. For many times he made use of the press space to denounce the precariousness of public education in Maranhão and to disseminate pedagogical ideas, emphasizing, mainly, the defense of popular education. He advocated the break with society organized by social castes, specialized in distributing the best social spaces to members of the economic elites.Keywords: Black teacher. Schooling of the poor. History of Maranhão education.NASCIMENTO MORAES Y SU PENSAMIENTO EDUCACIONAL INCLUSIVO CON LAS ESCUELAS PARA NIá‘OS POBRESResumen: El profesor y periodista negro José do Nascimento Moraes se destacó escribiendo crónicas, cuentos y poesá­as en los principales diarios del Maranhão de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Era un defensor de la promoción de la escolarización para los pobres y constantemente debatió los problemas polá­ticos, sociales y educativos del Maranhão. Fue el inspirador de la creación de las "escuelas de los pies descalzos". Esta escuela estaba destinada a niños extremadamente pobres que podrá­an asistir a las clases con cualquier ropa y hasta descalzas. Nascimento Moraes debe ser caracterizado como un intelectual de la educación, ya que en su trayectoria profesional dejó vasta contribución sobre temáticas relativas al campo. A menudo hizo uso del espacio de la prensa para denunciar la precariedad de la instrucción pública del Maranhão y divulgar ideas pedagógicas, dando énfasis, principalmente, a la defensa de la educación popular. Que defendá­a el rompimiento con la sociedad organizada por castas sociales, especializada en distribuir los mejores espacios sociales a los miembros de las élites económicas.Palabras clave: Profesor negro. Escolarización de pobres. Historia de la educación del Maranhão.      

scholarly journals El català en la premsa local del primer terç del segle XX. El cas d’Algemesí

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 136
Author(s):  
Lluís Escartí Carrasco
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Press ◽  
Weekly Newspapers ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Language Issues

Resum: El present treball és un estudi sobre quatre setmanaris bilingües d’Algemesí (València) del primer terç del segle XX: Pim, Pam, Pum (1911), La Canariera (1913), La Ribera (1917) i Llevant (1931); tot parant una atenció especial als aspectes lingüístics, sociolingüístics i literaris.En una primera part hi ha una contextualització de la premsa valenciana de principis de segle, en la qual s’estudien les publicacions locals, la premsa en català, la premsa satírica i la d’ideologia valencianista, així com les seues característiques i publicacions més destacades.En la segona part del treball s’analitza les quatre publicacions objecte d’estudi: la seua ideologia, els temes i continguts tractats, els gèneres, així com els aspectes lingüístics més destacats pel que fa a l’ús del català. Així mateix, es posen en relació amb el tipus de premsa del moment i amb el context polític, social i cultural. Paraules clau: premsa local, premsa en català, publicacions periòdiques, premsa valenciana, publicacions Algemesí Abstract: The present paper analyzes four bilingual weekly newspapers published in the first third of the twentieth century in Algemesí (Valencia, Spain): Pim, Pam, Pum (1911), La Canariera (1913), La Ribera (1917) i Llevant (1931); specially focusing on linguistic, socio-linguistic and literary aspects.In the first part there is a contextualization of Valencian press in the beginning of the twentieth century containing a study of local publications, Catalan press, satiric press and political Valencianism press, where characteristics and main titles are reported. The second part analyzes the four publications mentioned: ideology, themes, contents, genres… as well as most important language issues regarding the use of Catalan. They are also related to the press of that time and to the political, social and cultural context. Key words: local press, Catalan press, periodicals, Valencian press, publications in Algemesí

scholarly journals Una escuela para el odio: los demonios familiares de la Historia de España

2019 ◽  
pp. 51-65
Author(s):  
José Carlos  Bermejo Barrera
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Historical Process ◽  
The People ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
History Of ◽  
Historical Accounts ◽  
Siglo Xx

Resumen  Las historias nacionales son relatos en torno a un protagonista, el pueblo, que permanece vivo a lo largo de los siglos. La historia no se puede escribir sin documentos ni hechos, pero los relatos históricos se estructuran mediante unos meta-relatos, que dan sentido y significado al proceso histórico global. A partir del siglo XV y hasta el siglo XX, las Historias de España se construyeron como relatos acerca de una identidad escindida. Ello se debió al omnipresente miedo a las personas con identidades ocultas: marranos, espías protestantes, traidores y quinta columnistas y luego masones o liberales, nacionalistas y comunistas. Todo ello creó un discurso interminable y generador de odio sobre la traición y los traidores ocultos. Palabras clave  Historia de España, relato, odio, traición    Abstract  National histories are stories about a protagonist, the people, who remain alive throughout the centuries. History cannot be written without documents or facts, but historical accounts are structured through meta-stories, which make sense of and give meaning to the global historical process. From the fifteenth century and until the twentieth century, the History of Spain books were constructed as narratives about a split identity. This was due to the omnipresent fear of people with hidden identities: “marranos”, protestant spies, traitors and fifth columnists and then freemasons or liberals, nationalists and communists. All this created an endless discourse generator of hatred about treason and hidden traitors. Key words  Historia de España, narrative, hatred, treason.

Creationism’s Political Genesis

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Caudill
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Subsequent Evolution ◽  
Scopes Trial ◽  
American Myths ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
William Jennings Bryan

This book traces the history of creationism not only as a science–religion issue, but also as a political movement that skillfully engaged the press with a campaign against evolution grounded in American myths. It examines how the Scopes trial, and more specifically the ideas of its primary combatants, Clarence Darrow and William Jennings Bryan, became the template—politically, scientifically, theologically—for all subsequent evolution–religion clashes. It shows how creationists harnessed the power of mass media to legitimize their antievolution rhetoric, allowing them to win over a large proportion of the populace. By appealing to individual rights of freedom of expression and freedom of religion, the heroism of rebellion, the virtue of individualism, and the allure of the “frontier” whether geographic or scientific, twentieth-century creationists were able to find their way into the political mainstream as they continue to attack modernism and evolution.

State-run celebration of Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia (based on audiovisual sources)

2019 ◽  
pp. 251-268
Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.

The Mensheviks and NEP Society in Russia

1982 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 347-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Brovkin
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Soviet Regime ◽  
New Period ◽  
History Of

AbstractContemporary scholarship on the development of the Soviet political system in the 1920s has largely bypassed the history of the Menshevik opposition. Those historians who regard NEP as a mere transition to Stalinism have dismissed the Menshevik experience as irrelevant,1 and those who see a democratic potential in the NEP system have focused on the free debates in the Communist party (CP), the free peasantry, the market economy, and the free arts.2 This article aims to revise some aspects of both interpretations. The story of the Mensheviks was not over by 1921. On the contrary, NEP opened a new period in the struggles over independent trade unions and elections to the Soviets; over the plight of workers and the whims of the Red Directors; over the Cheka terror and the Menshevik strategies of coping with Bolshevism. The Menshevik experience sheds new light on the transformation of the political process and the institutional changes in the Soviet regime in the course of NEP. In considering the major facets of the Menshevik opposition under NEP, I shall focus on the election campaign to the Soviets during the transition to NEP, subsequent Bolshevik-Menshevik relations, and the writings in the Menshevik underground samizdat press.

BANDITS, ELVIS, AND OTHER MYSTICS: An Interview with Paul Vanderwood

2012 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 563-592
Author(s):  
Eric Van Young
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
San Diego ◽  
Professor Emeritus ◽  
The Political ◽  
State University ◽  
History Of ◽  
San Diego State University ◽  
Power Of God

Paul Vanderwood, Professor Emeritus of History at San Diego State University, died in San Diego onOctober 10, 2011, at the age of 82. A distinguished and innovative historian of modern Mexico, Vanderwood authored or co-authored several books, mostly dealing with the political, social, and cultural history of Mexico between about 1860 and the mid-twentieth century. The four works for which he is best known are Disorder and Progress (1982), The Power of God Against the Guns ofGovernment (1998), Juan Soldado (2004), and Satan's Playground (2010), and they are discussed extensively in this interview.

The Shaping of a Nation: Palestinians in the Last Century of Ottoman Rule

1994 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 75-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel S. Migdal ◽  
Baruch Kimmerling
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Social Boundaries ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
British Mandate ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
British Rule ◽  
Political Boundaries ◽  
History Of

No period was more decisive in the modern history of Palestine than the British Mandate, which lasted from the end of World War I until 1948. Not only did British rule establish the political boundaries of Palestine, the new realities forced both Jews and Arabs in the country to redefine their social boundaries and self-identity. But the cataclysmic events that continued through 1948, with the creation of Israel and what Arabs called al-Nakba (the catastrophe of dispersal and exile), took shape in the wake of key changes stretching over the last century of Ottoman rule. What was to be Palestine after World War I became increasingly more integrated territorially during the nineteenth century. And Arab society in the last century of Ottoman rule underwent critical changes that paved the way for the emergence of a Palestinian people in the twentieth century.

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