FROM THE BARCELONA PROCESS TO THE ARAB DEPRESSION: THE EUROPEAN UNION'S CONCERNS AND HESITATIONS IN MEDITERRANEAN POLICY

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (15) ◽  
pp. 351-371
Author(s):  
Ersin UĞURKAN

The Barcelona Process has been reorganized by undergoing some changes especially after the September 11 events in the USA. By conducting its relations with the countries in the region through authoritarian regimes of secular origin, security, terrorism and immigration have come to the fore in relations. The aim of the study is to show these relationships and their causes and results. The scope of the research has been mainly analyzed for the period called "Arab Spring" from the Barcelona Process, which is the turning point. The failure of this process to a great extent, on the contrary, the instability of the region and its transformation into depression and its effects on the EU have been the main theme of the study. The reasons for the policies of the EU on its anxious and hesitant approach in regional relations from this period until today have been emphasized.Terrorism, immigration and energy, which are seen as originating from the region, have been the most determinant in the EU's policies, only the order of these elements has changed from time to time. By determining its relations with the region on these points, it has made the countries of the region implement its own priorities as policy makers to a large extent. It has produced policies that conflict with EU values, especially on migration. Moreover, in these policies of the EU, although the member states in the Union followed very fragmented policies at the beginning of the process, these elements have become the common policy of the Union over time.

New Medit ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-88
Author(s):  
Maria Antonietta Lepellere ◽  
Ting Fa Margherita Chang ◽  
Maurizio Droli ◽  
Luca Iseppi

The purpose of this study is to develop a method to identify the radical changes in the Mediterranean adequacy index (MAI) trend for monitoring and modifying food and prevention policies. The development of a statistical solver demonstrates that the evolution of the MAI over time (1961-2013) in the EU countries, the USA and Japan is at least bi-parted. In most countries, often two successive conflicting tendencies emerge, whose intersection is signaled by a turning point. The framework of the “knowledge-based view” can help determine whether or not the slopes of the new trend are idiosyncratic with WHO objectives to prevent chronic diseases. Sustainably fighting against the rise in coronary heart disease (CHD) requires to incentive both demand and supply of food products Mediterranean-intensive, revealing by solver use the MAI hidden turning-points . This study allows policymakers to improve their planning, prevention and monitoring capabilities through more exact projections concerning both Mediterranean food markets and emerging CHD risks.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hardy  Hanappi

In the last decade significant changes in capitalism are appearing, it entered a new stage. After the political breakdown of Feudalism in World War 1 a stage of capitalism that aimed at integration of all parts of society was slowly developing. 15 years later the authoritarian regimes of national socialism, Fascism, intermitted the evolution of Integrated Capitalism. Since 1945 it flourished again, though its political governance on a global level in recent decades ran into more and more contradictions. After the deep economic crisis of 2008 a turning point towards authoritarian governance of capitalism – in particular in the USA – is evident. Since this type of new nationalist authoritarian capitalism destroys global integration it is called Disintegrating Capitalism. An immediate consequence of the global contradiction between worldwide interwoven production processes and rivalries between nationalist regimes is a rapidly rising danger of a third World War. The second, more speculative part of the paper explores possible forms, which this WW3 could take on. A conclusion provides some ideas on possibilities to react to war tensions.


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 263-284
Author(s):  
Osman Sabri Kiratli

This paper investigates the change in the Greek position from an ardent critic to an enthusiastic supporter of supranational cooperation in the Common Foreign and Security Policies of the European Union (EU) during the negotiation process (2003–2004) for the Constitutional Treaty. It proposes that the change was largely due to the imminent security threat perceived from its neighbour, Turkey. As unilateralist, confrontational responses, which had been in effect since Turkey’s Cyprus intervention in 1974, had largely failed to curb the level of threats perceived from the eastern side of the Aegean, Greek policy-makers started to develop a radically new security strategy based on a cooperative and integrationist partnership with the EU.


Author(s):  
Andrea Boháčiková ◽  
◽  
Tatiana Bencová ◽  
Zuzana Kapustová ◽  
◽  
...  

Managing income risk in agriculture is one of the important issues for farmers and policy makers nowadays. There exist a set of instruments and mechanisms for farmers to face the income volatility, including the individual or public support. Under II Pillar, the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) offers the support for less favoured farms in the way of insurance, mutual fund, and Income stabilisation tool. The Income Stabilisation Tool (IST) represents the compensation to farmers for a “severe drop” in income, if the farm experienced an income loss of more than 30% compared to the 3-years average or the Olympic average of the preceding five-year income realizations. However, none of the EU countries has been currently using the tool operationally. The main objective of the paper is to investigate the potential effect of the Income Stabilisation Tool on mitigation of income risk in Slovak agriculture. The results of the paper show the existing possibility to improve financial situation and reduce the income inequality of particular Slovak farms in the future.


Author(s):  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Sadia Wajid ◽  
Tatheer Zahra Sherazi

Arab spring emerged as a unique phenomenon: not only that it surprised the world’s policy makers, but it also started a debate in the academia about the reasons, motivations and dynamics of change and its explanations within the paradigms of existing theories of political change. This change was the result of political mobilization of certain new sectors of societies in Arab countries. The nature and direction of this change was no doubt different in different countries but it inspired the entire region as a domino effect. It left no option for all the authoritarian regimes in pre-dominantly Muslim Middle East but to opt for political reforms at least. Although the western powers welcomed Arab Spring at the beginning however this optimism eroded when the later developments proved that a democratic electoral process might produce governments, not entirely to the liking of the West. This paper examines; (a) the socio-political mobilization that proved to be the last blow to the Mubarak’s dictatorship and formation of President Muhammad Morsi’s elected government; (b) the post-2011 political dynamics in Egypt; (c) the implications of the rise of Islamists to power in Egypt for regional politics; and (d) the response of the western world towards Islamists power and 2011 mobilization.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

Chronologically, Chapter Two focuses on the 1980s, but the main theme of the chapter is the development of mutual antipathy between Iran and the United States. This development is traced through an examination of their interactions from the 1953 coup to the Iran-Iraq War. The chapter emphasizes how the experiences of the 1953 coup in Iran, the Iranian Revolution and subsequent hostage crisis and the Iran-Iraq War contributed to the development of a profound and widespread mutual hostility between the two countries that would subsequently come to act as a major constraint on policy-makers on both sides. The chapter also examines the origins of the IRI's nuclear programme and its connection to the emerging conflict with the USA.


2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
RICHARD BERTHOUD ◽  
MARK BRYAN

AbstractIndices of material deprivation are of increasing interest in Britain and the EU as potential markers of poverty, as an alternative, or complement, to measures of low income. This is the first panel regression analysis of the relationship between households' incomes and deprivation scores over time. We show a close underlying link (people with long-term low incomes report long-term deprivation), but only a weak dynamic link (people whose income increases do not always report a commensurate fall in deprivation). The implications for poverty measurement are important both to academic analysts and to policy-makers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 32 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Loeber

Neonatal screening programmes have been introduced in almost all European countries. In practice there are large differences, especially in the panel of conditions that are screened for, often without clear reasons. Policy making on a European level is lacking in contrast to the situation in the USA. Professionals have the knowledge to expand the panels but are dependent on policy-makers for the necessary funds. This paper is a call on the EU Commission to take up a role in providing equal access to neonatal screening for all children within the EU.


2002 ◽  
pp. 321-331
Author(s):  
Kosta Cavoski

The article explores the real aims of the so-called international community which is usually understood as the USA, as the only remaining super power and the European Union, particularly France. Great Britain and Germany. The author argues that the real and particularly long-term aims of these powers should be primarily inferred from their real deeds and only subsequently from public statements of their officials. By analyzing a number of examples in the Balkans and in other parts of the world the author comes to unexpected conclusions. While in words big Western powers supported multi-ethnicity and preservation of multi-ethnic states, in deeds they not only instigated nationalism and separatism but also hastened and recognized the dissolution of three European federations into 22 more or less national states. And while in words they apparently supported so-called democratization, in practice they not only supported authoritarian regimes but also identified democracy with occupation in Republika Srpska.


1982 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-81
Author(s):  
Jane E. Marcus

This paper suggests ways in which policy-makers can use history to develop plans for bringing computers into schools. It briefly discusses both the advocacy and concern of educators who support the introduction of computers in schools as well as those who question such efforts. Two ways of applying historical analysis to the issue of educational technology are proposed. The first looks at changes in the educational institution over time. The growth of the common school is discussed as well as the bureaucratization of schools. Both changes resulted from societal pressure on the institution. The second application of historical analysis looks specifically at past attempts to introduce educational technology in the schools. Differences between past and present factors and situations are mentioned, and ways of preventing repetition of past failures are suggested.


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