scholarly journals The force of ideals. Creation of liberal states, political constitutions and democratic transformation / A força dos ideais. Criação de estados liberais, constituições políticas e transformação democrática

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Horacio Capel

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> Manifestação do autor em colóquio onde aborda as possibilidades de transformação do Estado, a partir da criação dessas estruturas políticas, a organização territorial que foi dada no regime liberal e o valor das declarações que aparecem nas Constituições políticas elaboradas. pelos novos estados que foram constituídos nos séculos XIX e XX.</p><p><strong>Palavras-Chaves:</strong> Estado; Organização; Constituição.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> Manifestation of the author in colloquium where he addresses the possibilities of transformation of the State, from the creation of these political structures, the territorial organization that was given in the liberal regime and the value of the declarations that appear in the elaborated political Constitutions. by the new states that were constituted in the 19th and 20th centuries.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> State; Organization; Constitution.</p><p><strong>Data da submissão: 06/02/2020</strong><br /><strong>Data da aceitação: 06/05/2020</strong></p>

2019 ◽  
Vol IV (III) ◽  
pp. 10-16
Author(s):  
Muhammad Shoaib Malik ◽  
Azhar Mahmood Abbasi ◽  
Saima Gul

This article will examine the idea of new states/provinces in India. How India created 16 new states on ethno-lingual, and other lines and accommodate the ethnic groups. The case study of India is focussing on the different factors; including constitutional setup and role of different political parties of India in making of the new state. The following three basic questions investigate the paper’s perspective. First; what has been the basis of demands for the creation of new states in India? Second; what are the main hurdles in the reorganization of state and what urged the redemarcation of states in India? Third; what has been the stance of political Parties about the creation of new states in Indian state?


1965 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. B. Schaffer

Arecent commentator has suggested that the value to political science of looking at new states is that “one is forced to deal with the most basic questions of politics—the entire set of questions involved in the creation and maintenance of political societies.” Certainly this appears to be true time and again. One is forced to look at the largest questions to the smallest, both because they are vivid and apparent, and because they are also urgent. The basic problem of obligation—why we do things we do not want to do, and allow unpleasant things to be done to us by political leaders, or why we accept the authority of power—is for us either a matter of analysis or of sociological inquiry. Clearly it is more than that in a new state. There the question is a living one, sometimes for a large minority, sometimes for many small sections or groups. The state and the nation are not, as yet, one. Rousseau or Hobbes have come to life.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alda Cristina Silva da Costa ◽  
Evelyn Cristina Ferreira de Aquino ◽  
Thaís Luciana Correa Braga

On December 11, 2011, a plebiscite was held in Pará proposing to create two separatist states, Carajás and Tapajós, out of the state of Pará. The public voted against both projects. This article analyzes the narrative identities found on the front pages of O Liberal and Diário do Pará newspapers about the plebiscite in Pará. Depth Hermeneutics (DH), as proposed by Thompson (2011), was used as the methodological reference. DH emphasizes the object of analysis as a meaningful symbolic construction requiring interpretation. Narrative analysis, as proposed by Motta (2007), was the main research technique used to highlight the movement of construction of journalistic (discursive) characters. The narrative identities built by the two newspapers showed that both were against the creation of the new states, but for very different reasons. The flag of Pará was the main object used to induce the idea of unity.Em 11 de dezembro de 2011, o plebiscito no Pará propôs a criação dos estados de Carajás e de Tapajós a partir da divisão do estado do Pará. O resultado da consulta pública foi negativo aos dois projetos. O artigo analisa as identidades narrativas constituídas pelas primeiras páginas dos jornais O Liberal e Diário do Pará sobre o plebiscito no Pará. Utilizou-se como referencial metodológico a Hermenêutica em Profundidade (HP), proposta por Thompson (2011). A HP evidencia o fato de que o objeto de análise é uma construção simbólica significativa, que exige uma interpretação. Como principal técnica de pesquisa, a análise narrativa, proposta por Motta (2007), com ênfase no movimento de construção de personagens jornalísticas (discursivas). As identidades narrativas construídas pelos dois jornais indicaram que ambos eram contrários à criação dos novos estados, porém por motivos divergentes. A bandeira do Pará foi o principal elemento utilizado para evocar a ideia de unidade.En 11 de diciembre de 2011, el plebiscito en Pará propuso la creación de los estados Carajás y Tapajós a partir de la división del estado Pará. El resultado de la consulta pública fue negativo para los dos proyectos. El artículo analiza las identidades narrativas constituidas por las primeras páginas de los periódicos O Liberal y Diario de Pará acerca del plebiscito en Pará. Fue utilizado como referencia metodológica la Hermenéutica en Profundidad (HP), propuesto por Thompson (2011). La HP pone de relieve el hecho de que el objeto de análisis es una construcción simbólica significativa, lo que requiere una interpretación. Como principal técnica de la investigación, el análisis narrativo, propuesto por Motta (2007), con énfasis en el movimiento de construcción de personajes periodísticos (discursivos). Las identidades narrativas construidas por los dos periódicos han indicado que ambos se opusieron a la creación de los nuevos estados, pero por diferentes razones. La bandera de Pará fue el elemento principal que se utilizó para evocar la idea de la unidad.


1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Wilson

The kingdom of Luba Lomami was enlarged and strengthened by the conquest of Kalala Ilunga at an unknown date before the end of the sixteenth century. It became a large but not dominant state. The expansion of Luba Lomami is generally considered to have occurred in the early eighteenth century, as a delayed consequence of the Kalala Ilunga conquest. In this it is said to have been paralleled by the expansion of Lunda. Unlike Lunda, however, it is supposed to have suffered from severe structural deficiencies. These, it has been argued, inhibited its further expansion and, in the mid-nineteenth century, caused it to disintegrate.It is suggested here, however, that the expansion of Luba Lomami did not occur until the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century. This expansion coincided with the extension of the Bisa trading system into the chiefdoms south-east of Luba Lomami and was designed to capture this trade. Later conquests in the south may have been related to the development of Nyamwezi and Bihe trading systems. However, the principal motive for further expansion was the need to capture new sources of ivory and, to a lesser extent, slave-yielding lands. Luba Lomami's success can be attributed to its proximity to the Bisa trade route, its relatively centralized political structures, the availability of viable areas of expansion, and the existence of suitable mechanisms to incorporate the conquered chiefdoms. In the first half of the nineteenth century Luba Lomami subjected most of the area between the Lubilash and Lake Tanganyika and between the forest and the copper belt.In about 1870 the terms of the long-distance trade turned against Luba Lomami. New traders arrived carrying guns. Luba Lomami could not match the new techniques for it no longer had the resources with which to purchase guns. Its own resources of ivory and slaves were exhausted. It could no longer obtain supplies by expansion, for the traders were carving out new states on its periphery, and it was itself becoming subject to slave raids and encroachment. This external pressure weakened the political structures. Rival brothers sought the aid of mercenary traders to promote their cause. The ideological basis of the state was undermined. In a desperate attempt to obtain guns the emperors began to raid for slaves amongst their own people. The empire disintegrated and, in about 1890, the rump of the state became tributary to the trader-state of Msiri.


Author(s):  
Jens Dahl

Jens Dahl: Reflections on the category of Indigenous peoples The article deals with the development of the category indigenous peoples and with indigenous peoples’ position both within the thought system of the Western World and within the current work in the United Naions. It argues that the category has been created by forces in the hegemonic society, but the term has been adopted by indigenous peoples themselves, who recognize their common conditions. The term also relates to the process of decolonization and the creation of new States after the Second World War. Indigenous peoples’ demand for self determination is related to the State within which they live, and should not be understood as a violent or revolutionary demand for secession, but as a fundamental right to determine one’s own life and future.


2018 ◽  
pp. 106-126
Author(s):  
O. V. Anchishkina

The paper deals with a special sector of public procurement — G2G, in which state organizations act as both customers and suppliers. The analysis shows the convergence between contractual and administrative relations and risks of transferring the negative factors, responsible for market failures, into the administrative system, as well as the changing nature of the state organization. Budget losses in the sector G2G are revealed and estimated. There are doubts, whether the current practice of substitution of market-based instruments for administrative requirements is able to maintain integrity of public procurement in the situation of growing strategic challenges. Measures are proposed for the adjustment and privatization of contractual relations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 72-82
Author(s):  
I.L. Kapylou

The article describes the achievements and determines the prospects for the standardization of Belarusian onyms: it examines the problems associated with the establishment of official written forms of toponyms, the creation of normative onomastic reference books, the functioning of onyms in the situation of the state Belarusian-Russian bilingualism in Belarus, the transliteration of foreign names into the Belarusian language, the preparation of a legal framework and development of a program for proper names romanization.


SUHUF ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-357
Author(s):  
Jonathan Zilberg

This article describes the conflicted genesis of the Museum Istiqlal, the history of  the creation of the collection, and the state of the institution relative to other Indonesian museums. It emphasizes both  positive developments underway and the historical problems facing the institution. Above all, it focuses on the role the museum was originally intended to serve for the Indonesian Muslim public sphere and the significant potential the museum has to better serve that mission in the national and international sphere. In short, the article emphasizes that in the context of the Government of Indonesia’s current four year plan to revive the museum sector, the problems and opportunities presented at the Museum Istiqlal are symptomatic of endemic national challenges for both the museum and the education sector.


2021 ◽  
pp. 101269022098865
Author(s):  
Eivind Å Skille ◽  
Josef Fahlén ◽  
Cecilia Stenling ◽  
Anna-Maria Strittmatter

While colonization as policy is formally a historic phenomenon in Norway and elsewhere, many former structures of state organization – including their relationship to sport – remain under post-colonial conditions. This paper is concerned with how the Norwegian government contributes to creating a situation, which includes the Norwegian sports confederation (NIF) but excludes the indigenous people Sámi’s sports organisation. Based on existing data and literature, we analyse how the state favours NIF through a chain of legitimating acts. Thus, sport is a preserve of colonization, where a one-sided legitimation parallels a de-legitimation of the overarching sport policy goal of sport-for-all. However, there are signs of change whereby actors are challenging NIF’s monopoly and ‘older’ state-sport regimes.


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