THE ROLE OF MASS MEDIA IN INCREASING THE POLITICAL AND LEGAL CULTURE OF YOUTH

Author(s):  
Dilshodabonu O‘rolova

Мазкур тезисда оммавий ахборот воситаларининг ёшлар сиёсий ҳамда ҳуқуқий маданиятини оширишдаги ўрни аниқланган. Ёшлар орасида ижтимоий сўровномалар ўтказилган ва аввалги сўровномалар натижалари билан таққосланган. Масс-медианинг бу борадаги ролини янада кучайтириш борасида таклифлар берилган.

2021 ◽  

Three decades after Félix Guattari introduced the concept of "post-mass-media" as a necessary condition of media participation, it is by no means self-evident that his reaction to events leading up to 1989 would still attract a new generation of scholars today. Yet, the concept continually reappears to address the role of technology in democratic participation and the relation between the aesthetic and the political. Originating in discussions of the DFG research group Media and Participation, this issu


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-128
Author(s):  
M. Zhumagulov ◽  

In the proposed article, the author describes the content and directions of the forms of influence of mass media and social networks on the legal culture of young people. Due to the fact that the media and social networks are carriers of modern information, scientific works and their own expert approaches were presented in determining their role in the dissemination of legal knowledge, legal education, legal propaganda. The mass media actively act as a means of conducting legal education among young people. The mass media and the Internet, which inform young people about illegal actions and conduct propaganda on the way to raising the level of legal culture as the main factor in preventing it, are an important tool for combating lawlessness. Conducting legal educational work among young people through the media is the main requirement for the creation of a rule of law State and civil society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (7) ◽  
pp. 2031-2076 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Blisa ◽  
David Kosař

AbstractThe aim of this paper is to provide a new comprehensive understanding of roles of court presidents in judicial governance in Europe. It argues that in order to better understand the role of court presidents in comparative perspective it is necessary to unpack their power into smaller components that can be analyzed separately. We define seven such components: judicial career, jurisprudential, administrative, financial, ambassadorial, and media power, and ancillary powers as a residual category. Subsequently, we zero in on 13 European jurisdictions and rate them according to the strength of their court presidents' powers. By doing so we are developing a Court President Power Index. Based on this Index we question the claim that Western court presidents are always weaker than their Eastern European counterparts and argue that powers of court presidents diverge both within Western Europe and within Eastern Europe, and hence it is difficult to draw the easy line along the West/East axis on this ground. Finally, we problematize our Court President Power Index and show that powers in the meaning of faculty do not necessarily translate into influence since various contingent circumstances (such as the length of court presidents' terms of office, information asymmetry, the structure of the judiciary, the existence of competing judicial self-governance bodies, the role of individuals, the proximity of court presidents to political leaders, the legal profession, legal culture, and the political environment) affect to what extent court presidents may exploit their powers in practice.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-127
Author(s):  
Zhao Yonghua

The main cause of "color revolutions" in the Commonwealth (CIS) countries is the political and economic crisis. The media policies, an-ti-government opinion and western media precipitaed the event. This article discusses the importance and influence of media on the pro-gress of "color revolutions" based on patterns of media and political reforms in the state, industrial development of mass media and media strategy of the Western States (as an example the U.S.) in relation to Commonwealth (CIS) countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Partahi Nando Sirait

Technology in the development of the flow of production, consumption and distribution of information becomes vital. The urgency of the role of technology in information masification is also used by mass media, especially electronic mass media such as television. The development of electronic mass media to date, is also increasingly promising for all parties, not apart from the political elite who use or cooperate with the mass media crew in presenting various programs. Not only that, the news program was no less interesting to most political actors in order to generate opinions among the people themselves. As in the presidential election some time ago, the role of mass media and its news program succeeded in changing people's attitudes towards the figure of a presidential candidate. The problems and use of electronic mass media are considered to be enough to attract sympathy from the public, where in the news program on television the public can see and hear directly what is done and spoken by the political elite. And this can also give rise to responses to opinions in the community.


Author(s):  
Barbara Thomaß

A normative or a functionalist perspective on the role of mass media in pluralistic societies is the starting point for analysis of the role of the media in changing societal systems. The correlation between media shifts and societal shifts is striking in transformation processes. Communication scholars have studied this correlation in respect of the transformation in Eastern Europe, the upheavals in the Arab world, but less in the various waves of transformation and case groups. The uncoupling of the media system from the political system, which is typical for the shift from a totalitarian or authoritarian society to a pluralist one, is restructuring processes with an organizational, an economic, and a cultural dimension. It has been modelled in several phases although the actual developments show how these phases can overlap, sustain setbacks, or occur rapidly. Recent research concentrates on these new patterns of transitions and the inherent conflicts.


Author(s):  
Annelise Russell ◽  
Maraam Dwidar ◽  
Bryan D. Jones

Scholars across politics and communication have wrangled with questions aimed at better understanding issue salience and attention. For media scholars, they found that mass attention across issues was a function the news media’s power to set the nation’s agenda by focusing attention on a few key public issues. Policy scholars often ignored the media’s role in their effort to understand how and why issues make it onto a limited political agenda. What we have is two disparate definitions describing, on the one hand, media effects on individuals’ issue priorities, and on the other, how the dynamics of attention perpetuate across the political system. We are left with two notions of agenda setting developed independently of one another to describe media and political systems that are anything but independent of one another. The collective effects of the media on our formal institutions and the mass public are ripe for further, collaborative research. Communications scholars have long understood the agenda setting potential of the news media, but have neglected to extend that understanding beyond its effects on mass public. The link between public opinion and policy is “awesome” and scholarship would benefit from exploring the implications for policy, media, and public opinion. Both policy and communication studies would benefit from a broadened perspective of media influence. Political communication should consider the role of the mass media beyond just the formation of public opinion. The media as an institution is not effectively captured in a linear model of information signaling because the public agenda cannot be complete without an understanding of the policymaking agenda and the role of political elites. And policy scholars can no longer describe policy process without considering the media as a source of disproportionate allocation of attention and information. The positive and negative feedback cycles that spark or stabilize the political system are intimately connected to policy frames and signals produced by the media.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Agus Wibowo

Corruption increasingly widespread, more systematic and more sophisticated. Corruption in this country is like a vicious circle that is difficult to eradicate. The corrupt one with the other criminalswho help each other, work together and protect each other. Corruption as a phenomenon like “snowball”, if the crimes of corruption committed by one or a group of people uncovered, then another group would come out anyway. Therefore, corruption is an extraordinary crime that eradication also requires extra effort. The role of mass media in the political framework of this criminal according to Hoefnagels aligned with political efforts criminals who else is Criminal Law Application (Practical Criminology), namely prevention crime by means of criminal law and Prevention Without Punishment namely the prevention of offenses through means outside the criminal law.


Author(s):  
Jonathan A. Jacobs

Current forms of incarceration in the U.S. and U.K. are morally problematic in ways that are antithetical to the values and principles of liberal democracy. While indicating those morally problematic features the book defends the basic political and legal culture of the U.S. and U.K. A significant remaking of the political order is not needed for the required reforms of incarceration to be made. Greater faithfulness to the values and principles of liberal democracy could be adequate for such reforms. It is crucial to make those reforms because of the ways prisoners are currently being harmed, rendering many of them incapable of reintegrating successfully into civil society. The liberal order makes a dynamic, pluralistic civil society possible, and participating in civil society gives people a reason to value the liberal order. That relation is weakened by penal practices that diminish the agential capacities of offenders and fail to respect them as members of society. The book explores the relation between criminal justice and justice more comprehensively understood, highlighting the distinctive elements of criminal justice. It explains the role of desert in criminal justice and why criminal justice needs to be distinguished from distributive justice. Criminal justice includes a retributivist conception of punishment, one in which desert, proportionality, and parsimony are centrally important. A retributivist conception of punishment most effectively respects the voluntariness and accountability of agents in ways well suited to a liberal political order. The account examines misinterpretations of retributivism and highlights weaknesses of consequentialist approaches to sanction.


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