scholarly journals Ecology of Political Communication of Acehnese People towards 2024 Local Election

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-97
Author(s):  
Zulham ◽  
Ristati

The local election is a political and democratic tool owned by the community after Indonesia's reformation. Aceh and its regencies and cities will carry out the local election in 2022. The central government's policy to postpone the implementation of the local election in 2024 has created a polemic in the community. Based on this phenomenon, this study aims to determine the problems that arise in political communication among the community against the central government's unilateral policy in delaying the implementation of the local election. The approach used was qualitative by using observation and interview techniques. The results of this study are: The Acehnese are disappointed with the central government's intervention in the form of a policy of postponing the local election, based on the justification that Aceh has the local regulation, that is called 2006 Aceh Government Law, where Aceh has independence in managing its household. Furthermore, the communication built by the Central Government is coercive communication, ignoring comprehensive communication from the community. With the ecological influence of the local election postponement policy and communication built by the central government, the people ignore the government's advice to keep the environment more conservative and ignore the fight against Covid-19.

2021 ◽  
pp. 088832542095081
Author(s):  
Virág Molnár

This article belongs to the special cluster, “National, European, Transnational: Far-right activism in the 20th and 21st centuries”, guest edited by Agnieszka Pasieka. Research on populism attributes great significance to mapping the distinctive discursive logic of populist reasoning (e.g., the trope of pitting corrupt elites against the people). This article aims to move beyond the primary focus on discursive structures to stress the role of symbols, objects, and different modalities of circulation in the political communication of populist ideas, using the case of Hungary. By tracing the history of one of the key symbols of nationalist populism—the image of “Greater Hungary”—from its emergence in the interwar period to its present-day use, the article shows how the meanings and material forms this symbol assumed in political communication that evolved under different political regimes. The analysis builds on extensive archival, ethnographic, and online data to highlight how the diversity of material forms and the conduits through which this image circulated have contributed to its endurance as a key political symbol. Symbols, like the Greater Hungary image, condense complex historical narratives into a powerful sign that can be easily objectified, reproduced, and diffused. Today’s differentiated consumer markets provide convenient conduits for this kind of material circulation. These symbols carry meaning in and of themselves as signs, and once they are turned into everyday objects, they facilitate the normalization of radical politics by increasing their salience and broad visibility.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147490412199047
Author(s):  
Matthew Clarke ◽  
Martin Mills

Recent educational reforms in England have sought to reshape public education by extending central government control of curriculum and assessment, while replacing local government control of schools with a quasi-private system of academies and multi academy trusts. In this paper, we resist reading this as the latest iteration of the debate between “traditional” and “progressive” education. Instead, we note how, despite the mobilisation of the rhetoric of the public and public education, schooling in England has never been public in any deeply meaningful sense. We develop a genealogical reading of public education in England, in which ideas of British universalism – “the public” – and inequality and exclusion in education and society have not been opposed but have gone hand-in-hand. This raises the question whether it is possible to envisage and enact another form of collective – one that is based on action rather than fantasy and that is co-authored by, comprising, and exists for, the people. The final part of this paper seeks to grapple with this challenge, in the context of past, present and future potential developments in education, and to consider possibilities for the imaginary reconstitution of public education in England in the twenty-first century.


2008 ◽  
Vol 56 (12) ◽  
pp. 2323-2329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer E. Layne ◽  
Susan E. Sampson ◽  
Charlotte J. Mallio ◽  
Patricia L. Hibberd ◽  
John L. Griffith ◽  
...  

1936 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Brooke Graves

In any consideration of the future of the states, it is desirable at the outset to recall the circumstances of their development and of their entry into the Union. When the present Constitution was framed and adopted, the states were more than a century and a half old. At that time, and for many years thereafter, it was the states to which the people gave their primary allegiance. Under the Articles of Confederation, the strength of the states was so great that the central government was unable to function; when the Constitution was framed, the people were still greatly concerned about “states' rights.” This priority of the states in the federal system continued through the nineteenth century, down to the period of the Civil War; in the closing decades of that century, state government sank into the depths in an orgy of graft and corruption and inefficiency, which resulted in a wave of state constitutional restrictions, particularly upon legislative powers.At this time, when the prestige and efficiency of the state governments were at their lowest ebb, there began to appear ringing indictments of the whole state system. Most conspicuous of these were the well known writings of Professors John W. Burgess, of Columbia University, and Simon N. Patten, of the University of Pennsylvania.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-33
Author(s):  
Tintin Retno Pramesti ◽  
Rita Retnowati ◽  
Dolly Priatna

Forest restoration is needed to improve the condition of degraded ecosystems and boost up the ecological services. The existence of forest areas, especially in Indonesia, cannot be separated from the livelihoods of the people living around them. The purpose of this study was to evaluate whether the feasabiluty of the community-based forest restoration programme, implemented by the Gunung Gede Pangrango National Park Agency (BBGGPNP) and its partners, is feasible and can support efforts to restore forest ecosystem functioning and build community independence in managing the forest ecosystem. This study used the Context, Input, Process and Product (CIPP) method. This is an evaluation model which provides an analytical and rational basis for programme decision-making, based on a cycle of planning, structuring, implementing and reviewing and revising decisions, examined through a different aspect of evaluation –context, input, process and product evaluation. Data were obtained from field observations, interviews and document analysis. Aspects of the programme ‘Context’ were found to be categorized as good and can become the basis for programme implementation, Programme ‘Inputs’ were also determined to be good, and fulfilled the criteria required to support the achievement of programme objectives. The ‘Process’ aspects were found to be sufficient, with key areas for improvement included the need for better coordination with partners and the need to respond to technical restoration requirements by adjusting the area of land to be restored, the number of trees to be planted, and by considering the technical rule of restoration. The ‘Product’ aspect of the programme were shown to be good, is shown by the achievement of the target amount and growth of trees and the increased capacity of human resources as well as the development of independent businesses in the ex-encroachers who were the programme participants. Based on these results, it can be concluded that the community-based forest restoration programme such as conducted by the GGPNP Agency is feasible and can be implemented in similar sites.Restorasi hutan diperlukan untuk memperbaiki fungsi ekosistem hutan yang terdegradasi. Keberadaan kawasan hutan, khususnya di Indonesia, tidak dapat dipisahkan dengan penghidupan masyarakat yang tinggal di sekitarnya. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengevaluasi apakah program restorasi hutan berbasis pemberdayaan masyarakat yang dilaksanakan oleh Balai Besar Taman Nasional Gunung Gede Pangrango (BBTNGGP) bersama mitranya, layak serta dapat mendukung upaya pemulihan ekosistem dan membangun kemandirian masyarakat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode CIPP, yaitu model evaluasi pada aspek Context, Input, Process dan Product. Data diperoleh dari hasil observasi lapangan, wawancara dan analisa dokumen. Berdasarkan analisis data, dapat disimpulkan bahwa program restorasi hutan berbasis pemberdayaan masyarakat layak untuk diterapkan sebagai upaya memulihkan ekosistem dan membangun kemandirian masyarakat di sekitar hutan. Aspek Konteks program berkategori baik dan dapat menjadi dasar utama pelaksanaan program, Aspek Input program baik, telah memenuhi kriteria yang mendukung tercapainya tujuan program, Aspek Proses berkategori cukup, perlu melakukan koordinasi yang lebih baik dengan pihak mitra untuk lebih berkomitmen dan perlu untuk melakukan penyesuaian antara target luasan lahan yang direstorasi dengan jumlah pohon yang ditanam dengan mempertimbangkan aturan teknis restorasi. Aspek Produk berkategori baik ditunjukkan dengan tercapainya target jumlah dan pertumbuhan pohon dan meningkatnya kapasitas SDM serta terbangunnya usaha mandiri pada masyarakat eks perambah yang menjadi peserta program.


1982 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dierk Lange

The Sēfuwa dynasty seized power in Kānem around 1075, but it was only in the beginning of the thirteenth century that the rulers of Kānem were able to extend their authority over Bornū. Prior to this move small groups of Saharan speakers had already established themselves among the Chadic speakers of the Komadugu Yobe valley. Towards the end of the reign of Dūnama Dībalāmi (c. 1210–48) the court of the Sēfuwa itself was shifted to Bornū, mainly as a result of disturbances in Kānem. Indeed, according to oral traditions of the sixteenth century, the Tubu, in alliance with certain members of the Sēfuwa aristocracy, staged a major rebellion against the central government, apparently attempting to resist the strict application of Islamic principles of government by Dūnama Dībalāmi. Towards the end of the thirteenth century powerful rulers were again able to establish the authority of the Sēfuwa on firm grounds: in the east, even on the fringes of Kānem, they brought the situation under strict control and in the west they extended – or confirmed – the political influence of the Sēfuwa dynasty over the focal points of interregional trade which began to rise in Hausaland. Thus Bornū became the central province of the Sēfuwa Empire in spite of the fact that several kings continued to reside temporarily in the old capital of Djīmī situated in Kānem. This major shift of their territorial basis affected the position of the Sēfuwa in their original homelands. Written sources from the end of the fourteenth century show that the increasing involvement of the Sēfuwa in Bornū and its western border states must have changed their attitude towards the people living east of Lake Chad: after having acquired the character of an autochthonous (or national) dynasty of Kānem – in spite of their foreign origin – the Sēfuwa progressively became an alien power in this major Sudanic state, even though the people of Kānem and Bornū were closely related. Furthermore, the rise of a powerful kingdom in the area of Lake Fitrī under the rule of the Bulāla became a serious threat to the Sēfuwa in their original homelands as the warrior aristocracy of the Bulāla state – which must have been of Kanembu origin – remained closely connected with the sedentary population of Kānem. When finally during the reign of 'Umar b. Idrīs (c. 1382–7), the Sēfuwa were forced by the Bulāla to withdraw their forces from Kānem, this territorial loss did not affect the future development of the Empire to the extent that has formerly been supposed, since losses in the east were largely compensated by earlier gains in the west.


2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 155-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Kennedy ◽  
Peter Yellowlees

A pilot trial was established to support visiting psychiatric services and local public and private practitioners through the use of videoconferencing. The purpose of the trial was to determine whether people in the community received better health-care with telemedicine. A community-based approach was used to evaluate health outcomes, costs, utilization, accessibility, quality and needs for such services in a rural community in Queensland. Over a two-year period data were collected from 124 subjects who met the criteria of having a mental health problem or mental disorder. Nine further subjects refused to participate in the study. Only 32 subjects used videoconferencing to receive mental health services. Preliminary results did not show any significant improvements in wellbeing or quality of life, although the time span was relatively short. However, the results confirmed that the people were no worse off from a consumer or a practitioner perspective from using videoconferencing. Most consumers found that videoconferencing with a psychiatrist moderately or greatly helped them in managing their treatment, with 98% of them preferring to be offered videoconferencing in combination with local services. Overall, videoconferencing is a crucial part of enhancing psychiatry services in rural areas. However, it is not necessarily cost-effective for all consumers, general practitioners, psychiatrists, or the public mental health service.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-328
Author(s):  
Pere Franch

This paper analyses the use of storytelling by United States presidents in their war speeches, from the Vietnam War to the War on Terror. The study proposes a dual concept of storytelling in political communication: first, the global story that lies behind the presidential rhetoric aimed at justifying war; and second, the use of a specific technique consisting of inserting particular, personal stories into the speeches in order to communicate specific messages to the audience. The methodology used consists of an in-depth, interpretive, qualitative content analysis of a sample of presidential speeches. The findings confirm, firstly, that US presidents’ war storytelling aims to reinforce the political myth of America’s duty to preserve freedom, an argument that helps make the burden of the war understandable and bearable for the people, thereby reaffirming American collective identity. It is a reductionist narrative, as all wars are presented as having the same causes and goals. Secondly, the presidential use of personal stories is confirmed to have increased exponentially from the Vietnam War era. In most cases, these stories consist of a personification of some basic values attributed to the whole nation, by means of which these values are reinforced: heroism, patriotism, sense of duty, and, above all – again – the defence of freedom. The results also show that, in this aspect of their war rhetoric, the differences between George W. Bush and Barack Obama are at least blurred, despite their ideological and political differences.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 207
Author(s):  
Zulfah Latuconsina

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bentuk afirmatif kebijakan pemerintah dalam fasilitasi kerja bagi penyandang disabilitas di Provinsi Jawa Tengah, persepsi penyandang disabilitas terhadap afirmatif kebijakan pemerintah, dan mengetahui kendala yang dihadapi dalam pelaksanaan afirmatif kebijakan pemerintah tersebut. Jenis penelitian ini adalah yuridis sosiologis dengan menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa kuota minimal hak kerja bagi penyandang disabilitas tidak terpenuhi. Namun pemerintah masih berupaya untuk mewujudkan hal tersebut. Upaya ini diwujudkan melalui afirmatif kebijakan pemerintah dalam fasilitasi kerja bagi penyandang disabilitas, yaitu dengan memberikan pelatihan keterampilan, bantuan sosial bagi penyandang disabilitas dan pembentukan Peraturan Daerah Provinsi Jawa Tengah Tentang Pemenuhan Hak Penyandang Disabilitas yang sejauh ini masih dalam tahap Rancangan Peraturan Daerah (Raperda). Persatuan Penyandang Cacat Indonesia menilai bahwa pelatihan yang diberikan pemerintah dirasa sudah tidak sesuai lagi dengan perkembangan jaman dan kebutuhan hidup penyandang disabilitas. Hal serupa turut disuarakan oleh Gerkatin. Sedangkan tentang kehadiran Raperda, baik Persatuan Penyandang Cacat Indonesia maupun Gerkatin memberikan respon positif. Adapun faktor penyebab afirmatif kebijakan pemerintah yang berlaku saat ini belum dapat berjalan dengan baik dikarenakan ketidakpatuhan pihak – pihak serta ketidaktahuan pihak perusahaan mengenai adanya aturan tentang kuota minimal hak kerja bagi penyandang disabilitas.<br /><br /><em>The purposes of this study are to knows the form of affirmative policies of local goverment to facilitating of work to disabilities, to knows how the respons of disabilities, and to knows what the obstacles to implementation those policies. This study is using sosio - juridical with descriptive approach. The result of this study is showing that the minimum quota of disabilities’s work right is insatiable. But the local goverment’s keeping try to actualizing it with their affirmative policies. These affirmative policies exist to faciliting disabilities to get their’s work right. The local goverment give it by training skill of disabilities, giving social capital, and by formating the draft of local regulation about acquirement of disabilities rights. The unity of Indonesia’s Disabilities and The Unity of Deaf People of Indonesia give positive respons to the policies. But the policies which applicating by the local goverments is getting obtacles. The obtacles of application is causing by disobediently by the people and knowless of the people obout the regulation which regulating the minimum qouta of disabilities’s work right.</em>


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
Author(s):  
Umilhair Alting ◽  
Winston Pontoh ◽  
I Gede Suwetja

Fiscal decentralization is one the major component of the decentralization implementation of regional autonomy. As the new beginning in regional development and the people in managing the resources or all of the potential to the prosperity and the progress of region. Financial aspect is one of the basic criteria to find out the real capability regional government in managing their autonomy system (household system) the capability of regional government in managing their financial can be seen in APBD which describes the capability of local government in financing the activities of development task and equity in each region. The purpose of this research is to determine the financial capability of Tidore in regional autonomy especially in 2013-2017 judging by ratio of independency, decentralization fiscal degree, growth ratio. This research used observation, interview and documentation to collect the data. The data was analyzed using qualitative and quantitative data with described analysis. The result showed that the independence ratio of Tidore has been able to improve its financial capability. The degree of decentralization is still highly dependent on the central government, although it has been increasing year by year. Growth rate fluctuated this indicates the local government of Tidore is not too concerned with regional development and community welfare.Keywords: regional autonomy, ratio of independency, The degree of decentralization ratio, Growth ratio.


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