Algunas consideraciones sobre la decadencia del principio de legalidad en el Derecho español

Author(s):  
Ángel GARCÉS SANAGUSTÍN

LABURPENA: Azterlan honek agerian uzten du gure Zuzenbidearen barruko legezkotasunaren printzipioaren krisia eta gainbehera, zeina areagotu egin duten ekonomia-krisiak politikara eta erakundeetara ekarri dituen ondorioek. Beste printzipio batzuk, segurtasun juridikoarena edo legezko konfiantzarena, esaterako, gai dira lege idatzien gainetik ezarrita geratzeko. Printzipio horien izaera orokorrak idatzizko lege baten berezko espezialitateak baino segurtasun handiagoa ekartzen du, azken hori aldaketa etengabe eta azkarren menpean baitago. Hori guztia dela eta, behar-beharrezkoa da gure diziplinaren beste planteamendu bat egitea; izan ere, orain arte legezkotasun-printzipioan eta formalismoan oinarritu izan da. RESUMEN: Este estudio pone de manifiesto la crisis y decadencia del principio de legalidad en nuestro Derecho, agravada por las consecuencias que ha acarreado la crisis económica en el entramado político e institucional. Otros principios jurídicos, como el de seguridad jurídica o el de confianza legítima, emergen con capacidad para imponerse sobre la ley escrita. La generalidad de los principios aporta una seguridad mayor que la especialidad inherente a una ley escrita, sometida a continuas y vertiginosas modificaciones. Todo ello exige un replanteamiento de nuestra disciplina, apoyada hasta ahora en el carácter basilar del principio de legalidad y en el formalismo. ABSTRACT: This study reveals the crisis and decline of the principle of legality in our Law, aggravated by the impact that the economic crisis has resulted in the political and institutional framework. Other legal principles, such as legal certainty and legitimate expectation, emerge with capacity to impose on the written law. The generality of the principles brings greater security to specialty inherent in a law written, subjected to continuous and dizzying change. All of this requires a rethinking of our discipline, supported so far by basilar character of the principle of legality and in the formalism.

Author(s):  
Laura Oso ◽  
Ana López-Sala ◽  
Jacobo Muñoz-Comet

This article offers a state of the art of research on migration policies, participation and the political construction of immigration in Spain. It starts with an overview of migration policy, addressing the impact of the 2008 economic crisis on the configuration of the political agenda. Secondly, it addresses the political participation of immigrants in Spain and their role as “new” voters. Finally, the appearance of the extreme right political party VOX has shifted the classic debates on the attitudes of the population towards immigration and built a new anti-immigration discourse. The article argues that academic interest and scientific production have been modulated in line with the various phases of Spain’s configuration as a country of immigration. The text ends with some reflections on the impact of the COVID-19 crisis, which has opened up a period of major challenge and uncertainty.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Daude ◽  
Hamlet Gutierrez ◽  
Angel Melguizo

Purpose Tax incentives can be a useful tool to stimulate investment in developing countries. However, interest groups often are able to exert considerable influence in its management, if not its design. The purpose of this paper is to use a power-based approach to the political economy of tax reform to analyse the case of tax incentives for investment in the Dominican Republic. Based on original interviews and a detailed analysis of regulations, the authors study how interest groups work within the institutional framework to seek outcomes that best fit their objectives. However, when unsuccessful, they become powerful advocates of change. These power dynamics have important implications for the design and management of tax incentives in the Dominican Republic and in other developing economies. Design/methodology/approach Case study based on informed interviews with policy makers, lobbyists and researchers combined with statistical and administrative information to test the main hypotheses. Findings While the role of influence groups in creating tax schemes has been widely studied, the authors show that these groups can also have an important role in the administration of the regime and making it more or less open to modifications. The paper shows that the capture of investment incentives has rendered the tax system rigid and unstable in the Dominican Republic, subjecting the public interest hostage to the gain of few. Research limitations/implications Therefore, there is a need to review and reform tax policy, not just from a technical viewpoint, but more importantly altering the political arrangements. More transparency in assessing the impact of these schemes, disclosing information of who has access to tax exemptions and budgeting the tax expenditures can also be tools to increase public control over these instruments. Also, making it more difficult to grant tax incentives, for example by asking for an ex-ante justification and quantification of the externalities supposedly being created would reduce the abuse by power groups of these instruments. Without more balanced and independent leadership, it would be extremely difficult to advance in these fields. Originality/value The literature on the political economy of tax incentives normally focuses on how key actors work around the institutional framework to solve conflict of interests. This paper addresses a complementary – and in the viewpoint equally relevant – aspect of the political economy of tax incentives: once enacted, vested interests have a particular motivation to keep the incentives in place, and therefore the authors should understand how key actors work from within the institutional framework to seek the outcomes that better suit their interests. The analysis focuses on Dominican Republic, based on official data and additional in-depth interviews with policy makers, entrepreneurs and consultants that assist firms with tax and regulation issues.


2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maura Adshead

With the sole exception of Iceland, the downturn in the Irish economy in 2007 and 2008 was the most severe of any experienced by an Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development member state. In Ireland, the crisis was widely understood to have five key dimensions: a banking crisis, a public finance crisis, an economic crisis, a social crisis and a reputational crisis. This article examines the political impact of that crisis, focusing in particular on the impact that austerity politics has had upon the evolution of the Irish left. The article traces the political responses to crisis inside and outside the Dáil and examines their potential to support the growth of anti-austerity politics in Ireland.


Author(s):  
José BAUZÁ MARTORELL

LABURPENA: Ofiziozko berrikuspenaren teknikaren bitartez, egintza administratibo bat eman duen organoak eraginik gabe utz dezake egintza hori, deuseztasun erradikaleko arrazoiak direla eta; horrenbestez, nahitaezkoa da legezkotasunaren eta segurtasun juridikoaren printzipioen arteko talka neurtzea edo haztatzea. Ebatzi gabeko auzi bat da zehaztea ea, Administrazioak erabateko deuseztasunik ez dela irizten dion kasuetan ere, Estatu Kontseiluaren edo kontsulta-organo autonomikoaren irizpena nahitaezkoa den, eskaria egin duen partikularraren eskubidea delako. Artikulu honetan, aurrez aurreko bi jarrerak aztertzen dira, eta irizpena nahitaezkoa ez dela dioen jarrera aldezten da. ABSTRACT: Conceived as that technique that allows the body that elaborates an administrative act to revoke it on grounds of complete nullity, the institution of the ex officio review requires weighing the impact over the principle of legality and that of legal certainty. An open question is to determine whether in those cases where the Administration considers that nullity is wanting, yet the opinion by the Council of State or autonomic equivalents remains compulsory as a right of the individual petitioner. In this article, two opposing perspectives are analyzed taking sides with the position that considers the opinion not prescriptive. RESUMEN: Concebida como aquella técnica que permite al órgano autor de un acto administrativo dejarlo sin efecto por motivos de nulidad radical, la institución de la revisión de oficio exige ponderar la colisión entre el principio de legalidad y el de seguridad jurídica. Una cuestión no resuelta consiste en determinar si en los casos en que la Administración considera que no existe nulidad de pleno derecho, si aun así resulta preceptivo dictamen del Consejo de Estado u órgano consultivo autonómico porque sea un derecho del particular instante. En este artículo se analizan las dos posiciones enfrentadas, tomando partido por la que considera que el dictamen no es preceptivo.


SENTRALISASI ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 118
Author(s):  
Acwin Hendra Saputra ◽  
I Gede Agus Ariutama

The health crisis triggered by the COVID-19 virus has spread to a multidimensional crisis and has a domino effect on the socio-economic and financial sectors. The economic crisis as the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has become increasingly severe because it was accompanied by lockdown and physical distancing policies which resulted in decreasing productivity in the economy. The purpose of this research is to describe the structured efforts taken by the Government of Indonesia in dealing with the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. The policy combination adopted by the Government of Indonesia is in the form of policies to issue a series of regulations providing legal certainty and flexibility while still highlighting the accountability. Refocusing and budget reallocation are also taken by the government to provide more flexible space for Ministries/Institutions to contribute to managing the impact of COVID-19. Another policy is the issuance of three stimulus packages and the launch of the National Economic Recovery Program (PEN).


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 6-23
Author(s):  
V. Papava ◽  
M. Chkuaseli

The paper examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the economy and the corresponding atypical economic crisis, the role of the economic ability of the government during this crisis, aspects of financial support for the economy and the peculiarities of the zombie economy. The aim of the study is to research the actions of the economic ability of the government as an independent factor of production in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, contributing to the unfolding of the process of zombie-ing the economy. The research uses the methods of deduction and induction, analysis and synthesis, analogy and abstraction. The special functions of the government are considered within the context of the economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic; particularly, we refer to the recognition of the fifth factor of production of the economic ability of the government. The main features of this atypical crisis are characterized. It is shown that the process of deglobalization during the COVID-19 pandemic characterizes the deglobalization of the economic ability of the government and that this process is temporary, since overcoming the global phenomenon of the pandemic and the economic crisis caused by it requires exclusively global efforts and measures. Particular attention is focused on the financial support of the economy from the economic ability of the government within the context of this economic crisis. The conclusion is that this support contributes to the process of zombie-ing the economy which took on a global character during the global financial and economic crisis of 2007–2009 and continued after its completion. Zombie-ing the economy is the result of a conflict between the political interests of the government and its economic ability when the latter is not able to overcome the barrier created by the former. A solution to this problem is possible through changes in bankruptcy legislation when its main principle of avoiding the unwanted bankruptcy of firms will be replaced by the principle of liquidation of unviable firms. Such a change in bankruptcy legislation can be implemented only during the economic upswing.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (5) ◽  
pp. 841-861 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constantinos-Vasilios Priporas ◽  
Irene (Eirini) Kamenidou ◽  
Nga Nguyen ◽  
Riad Shams

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore how the macro-environment influences consumer scepticism towards cause-related marketing (CRM), especially in a turbulent economic setting. Design/methodology/approach An exploratory qualitative research study utilising open-ended, semi-structured Skype interviews with 26 respondents was conducted in a country experiencing economic crisis. Findings The findings demonstrate that respondents hold a strong scepticism towards CRM campaigns and they are more negative towards the CRM campaigns initiated by foreign enterprises as compared to the domestic ones. This can be attributed to ethnocentrism, or even antipathy or animosity towards foreign companies due to crisis. Furthermore, results reveal that the political and legal elements of the macro-environment have an impact on consumer scepticism towards CRM campaigns, while the impact of the economic crisis itself did not seem to be equally significant. Originality/value This work contributes to the existing literature of CRM as it is the first study that explores the impact of macro-environmental elements on consumer scepticism towards CRM within an economic turbulence setting.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (02) ◽  
pp. 103-110
Author(s):  
S. Tomassi ◽  
M. Ruggeri

Summary Background: The global crisis that began in 2007 has been the most prolonged economic recession since 1929. It has caused worldwide tangible costs in terms of cuts in employment and income, which have been widely recognised also as major social determinants of mental health (1, 2). The so-called “Great Recession” has disproportionately affected the most vulnerable part of society of the whole Eurozone (3). Across Europe, an increase in suicides and deaths rates due to mental and behavioural disorders was reported among those who lost their jobs, houses and economic activities as a consequence of the crisis.


2009 ◽  
pp. 54-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Shastitko ◽  
S. Avdasheva ◽  
S. Golovanova

The analysis of competition policy under economic crisis is motivated by the fact that competition is a key factor for the level of productivity. The latter, in its turn, influences the scope and length of economic recession. In many Russian markets buyers' gains decline because of the weakness of competition, since suppliers are reluctant to cut prices in spite of the decreasing demand. Data on prices in Russia and abroad in the second half of 2008 show asymmetric price rigidity. At least two questions are important under economic crisis: the 'division of labor' between pro-active and protective tools of competition policy and the impact of anti-crisis policy on competition. Protective competition policy is insufficient in transition economy, especially in the days of crisis it should be supplemented with the well-designed industrial policy measures which do not contradict the goals of competition. The preferable tools of anti-crisis policy are also those that do not restrain competition.


Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub ◽  
Osman Md Rasip

This article discusses impact of UMNO-PAS political cooperation towards Islamic development in Malaysia from 1973 until 1978. The success of political cooperation in 1973 was the result of both UMNO’s leader, Tun Abdul Razak and PAS’s leader, Asri Muda willingness to explore a new political approach compared to what was being practiced at that time. Both leaders then started the development of a government known as the ‘Cooperation Government’ with the combination of UMNO and PAS in 1973 and later on, the development of the National Front’s (BN) Coalition Government in 1974. The Islamic religion benefits the most from the development of the Coalition Government which is a favourable gain for the Malays in Malaysia. Henceforth, this article will discuss in detail on the impact of the political cooperation between UMNO and PAS within the cooperation period. The methods used for this research is by interview and also by referring to secondary sources which are analyzed in a historical descriptive manner that is normally practiced in historical research. At the end of this research it is established that there are profound impacts to the Islamic religion within the UMNO-PAS cooperation period within 1973 to 1978 for example, the television and radio station beginning starting their programmes with the recitation from Quranic verses, the promulgation of ‘Adhan, alcohols are no longer served in official government’s function, lottery companies are not allowed to promote and announce the lottery results in official government’s media, the establishment of Islamic institution, the strengthening of Islamic education and the appropriate change in the relevant ministry’s symbols. This article can be utilized by subsequent researchers who wish to study the impact of political cooperation between UMNO and PAS. Keywords: political cooperation, UMNO-PAS, cooperation government ABTRAK:Makalah ini membincangkan mengenai impak kerjasama politik UMNO-PAS terhadap perkembangan Islam di Malaysia dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Kerjasama politik yang berjaya dibentuk bermula pada tahun 1973 adalah hasil daripada kesediaan Tun Abdul Razak dengan Mohd Asri Muda yang menerajui UMNO dan PAS pada ketika itu mencetuskan perubahan corak berpolitik yang berbeza berbanding sebelumnya. Maka, kedua-dua pemimpin ini kemudiannya merintis pembentukan sebuah kerajaan yang menggabungkan UMNO dengan PAS menerusi Kerajaan Campuran pada tahun 1973 dan Kerajaan Gabungan Barisan Nasional (BN) pada tahun 1974. Hasil daripada kejayaan penubuhan kedua-dua kerajaan ini, perkembangan Islam di negara ini bertambah pesat dan dapat dimanfaatkan oleh keseluruhan orang Melayu di Malaysia. Justeru, artikel ini membincangkan secara terperinci impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dalam tempoh kerjasama politik berkenaan. Penyelidikan ini menggunapakai kaedah temubual dan menyorot sejumlah sumber sekunder yang kemudiannya dianalisis secara deskriptif sejarah (historical descriptive analysis) yang lazimnya dipraktikkan dalam kajian sejarah. Hasil kajian ini mendapati terdapat impak-impak jelas terhadap perkembangan Islam di negara ini sepanjang tempoh kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Antara impak-impak tersebut ialah permulaan siaran televisyen dan radio dengan bacaan ayat-ayat suci Al-Quran, mengumandangkan suara azan, penghapusan arak dalam majlis-majlis kerajaan, penghapusan promosi dan keputusan judi di media kerajaan, penubuhan institusi Islam, pemerkasaan pendidikan Islam dan penukaran simbol institisu kerajaan. Akhirnya, artikel ini dapat dimanfaatkan oleh penyelidik-penyelidik berikutnya untuk menilai impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS.Kata kunci: kerjasama politik, UMNO-PAS, kerajaan campuran


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