scholarly journals Autonomía política y Estado social ante la crisis económica: la tendencia a la uniformidad territorial en menoscabo de la diversidad de políticas sociales

2017 ◽  
pp. 57-88
Author(s):  
Aida TORRES PÉREZ
Keyword(s):  
Case Law ◽  
Central State ◽  
Autonomous Communities ◽  
Social State ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
The Social ◽  
Core Elements ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

LABURPENA: Espainiako Konstituzioak eta autonomia-estatutuek zedarritzen duten esparruan, estatu soziala, neurri handi batean, estatu autonomikoaren bidez josten da. Artikulu honen bidez, ikusi eta erakutsi nahiko nuke konstituzio-jurisprudentziak zenbateraino eta zer tresna erabiliz jo duen balekotzat krisi ekonomikoak iraun duen bitartean boterea zentralizatzeko eta arauak homogeneizatzeko egon den joera; azkenean, eskumenen antolamendua beste era batera diseinatu baita, autonomia-printzipioaren kaltetan eta autonomia-erkidegoek gizarte-politikak garatzeko duten ahalmenaren kaltetan. Oinarri modura, bi kasu aztertuko ditut: osasuna babesteko eskubidea, eta etxebizitza duina. Bai arlo batean zein bestean, alde batetik, estatuak lege batzuk sortu ditu krisiari erantzuteko; eta, bestetik, autonomia-erkidegoek zenbait politika garatu dituzte, beren eskumenak baliatuz. Ondorioz, liskar asko piztu da konstituzioaren inguruan, sokatik hainbat norabidetan tira egiten denean bezala: autonomia politikoa, berdintasuna eta estatu soziala, eta, gainera, krisialdi ekonomikoan. RESUMEN: En el marco establecido por la Constitución española y los Estatutos de Autonomía, el Estado social se articula en gran medida a través del Estado autonómico. El objetivo de este trabajo es determinar en qué medida y a través de qué instrumentos la jurisprudencia constitucional ha avalado una tendencia a la centralización del poder y homogeneización normativa en el contexto de la crisis económica, de tal modo que se opere un rediseño del orden competencial en perjuicio del principio de autonomía y la capacidad de las Comunidades Autónomas de desarrollar políticas sociales. Este análisis se basará en dos casos de estudio: el derecho a la protección de la salud y la vivienda digna. En ambos ámbitos materiales, por un lado, el Estado central ha adoptado legislación en respuesta a la crisis, y por el otro las Comunidades Autónomas han desarrollado políticas diversas en ejercicio de sus competencias propias. Como consecuencia, se ha producido un elevado grado de conflictividad constitucional en un contexto en el que se entrelazan diversos ejes: autonomía política, igualdady Estado social en el marco de la crisis económica. ABSTRACT: Within the framework set by the Spanish Constitution and the Statutes of Autonomy, the social state is developed to a great extent through the autonomic state. The goal of this work is to understand the extent to which and through what mechanisms the constitutional case-law has endorsed the trend towards the centralization of power and normative homogenization in the context of the economic crisis, in such a way that the allocation of powers has been redesigned to undermine the principle of autonomy and the capacity of the Autonomous Communities to develop social policies. This analysis will focus on two case studies: the right to health and to housing. In both fields, on the one hand, the central state has adopted legislation in response to the crisis, and on the other the Autonomous Communities have developed diverse policies in the exercise of their respective powers. As a consequence, constitutional conflicts have increased in a context in which several core elements are intertwined: political autonomy, equality and the social state in the framework of theeconomic crisis.

scholarly journals El principio de confianza legítima en el derecho a la vivienda: una asignatura pendiente de la doctrina constitucional

2018 ◽  
pp. 333-376
Author(s):  
María Begoña CRESPO HIDALGO
Keyword(s):  
Rental Housing ◽  
Case Law ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Certainty ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Social State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Legitimate Expectations ◽  
The Right ◽  
Rental Housing Market

LABURPENA: Etxebizitzak alokatzeko merkatua malgutzeko eta sustatzeko neurriei buruzko ekainaren 4ko 4/2013 Legearen bigarren xedapen gehigarriari buruz, urriaren 22ko 216/2015 KAE, maiatzaren 10eko 51/2018 KAE, eta maiatzaren 24ko 56/2018 KAE eman dira. Lehenengoa a) apartatuari buruzkoa da, zeinaren bitartez zehazten den ez direla berritu behar Etxebizitzako estatu mailako planetan emandako laguntzak eta diru-laguntzak, eta beste biak, b) apartatuari buruzkoak, zeinaren bitartez bi baldintza ezartzen diren babestutako etxebizitza bat eskuratzeko sarrerarako estatuko zuzeneko laguntzak jasotzeko eskubidea izateko. Epai horiek kontuan hartuta, lan honetan konfiantza legitimoaren printzipioaren urraketak duen garrantzi soziala aztertu da, etxebizitza duin eta egoki bat izateko eskubidean proiektatzen denean hain zuzen. Erabaki konstituzionalak, jurisprudentzialak eta doktrinalak aztertu dira estatu sozial batean konfiantza legitimoa bermatzeko segurtasun juridikoari eta legegileek duten mugei dagokionez, baita arauen aurreikusgarritasunari eta aurretik doktrina jurisdikzionala ez egotearen ondoriozko segurtasun juridiko ezari dagokionez. RESUMEN: A raíz de las SSTC 216/2015, de 22 de octubre, 51/2018, de 10 de mayo y 56/2018, de 24 de mayo, sobre la disposición adicional segunda de la Ley 4/2013, de 4 de junio, de Medidas de Flexibilización y Fomento del Mercado del Alquiler de Viviendas, la primera de ellas respecto al apartado a) que determina no renovar las ayudas y subvenciones concedidas en el marco de los Planes Estatales de Vivienda, y las otras dos, sobre el apartado b) que establece dos requisitos para obtener el derecho al abono de las ayudas estatales directas a la entrada para la adquisición de una vivienda protegida, en este trabajo se analiza la transcendencia social de la vulneración del principio de confianza legítima cuando se proyecta sobre un derecho como es el derecho a una vivienda digna y adecuada. Se estudian una serie de pronunciamientos constitucionales, jurisprudenciales y doctrinales en relación con la seguridad jurídica y los límites del legislador para garantizar la confianza legítima en un estado social, así como la previsibilidad de las normas y la inseguridad jurídica derivada de la no existencia de una doctrina jurisdiccional al respecto. ABSTRACT: As a result of judgments 216/2015 of October 22, 51/2018 of May 10 and 56/2018 of May 24 on the second additional provision to Act 4/2013 of June 4 on measures aimed at the flexibilization and promotion of the rental housing market, the first one regarding section a) that determines not to renew aids and subsidies awarded in the framework of the National Government Housing plans and the others regarding section b) that establishes two requirements in order to gain the right to be awarded with state direct aids for the deposit to buy a government-sponsored housing, we analyze the social significance of the infringement of the principle of legitimate expectations when a right such as the right to a decent and appropriate home is impaired. Some series of constitutional, court and doctrine declarations are studied in connection with legal certainty and the limits of the legislator to guarantee legitimate expectations in a Social state, together with the predictability of the rules and the legal insecurity that derivesfrom the lack of a case law doctrine in respect thereof.

scholarly journals El derecho a la propia imagen de los personajes públicos en las jurisprudencias constitucional, ordinaria y europea. Evolución, concordancias y divergencias // The right to their own image of public figures in the Constitutional, Ordinary and European Case-Law. Evolution, concordances and divergences.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 441
Author(s):  
María del Mar Navas Sánchez
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Case Law ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
European Court ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

Resumen:Este artículo aborda el probablemente más controvertido supuesto relativo a la relación dialéctica entre las libertades de expresión e información y el derecho fundamental a la propia imagen. El que tiene como titular de este último derecho a quien puede ser considerado, en general, como un personaje público. Lo hace, además, desde una doble perspectiva. Por un lado, se muestra la evolución experimentada en el régimen jurídico del derecho a la propia imagen de este tipo de personas desde que en 1978 y de manera novedosa nuestra Constitución reconociera por vez primera el derecho a la propia imagen comoun derecho fundamental autónomo y diferenciado de la intimidad en el artículo 18.1 CE hasta nuestros días. Se trata de un proceso que ha venido marcado por varios hitos: la aprobación en 1982 de una norma (la Ley Orgánica 1/1982, de 5 de mayo, de protección civil del derecho al honor, a la intimidad y a la propia imagen) en la que el legislador establece pautas muy concretas acerca del modo en que han de resolverse este tipo de conflictos; la intensidad con la que esta Ley ha condicionado la jurisprudencia de los jueces y tribunales de la jurisdicción ordinaria, particularmente del Tribunal Supremo; y, finalmente, el importante papel desempeñado por la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Constitucional que, prescindiendo de las prescripciones legislativas y operando conforme a categorías constitucionales, ha terminado por erigir, en un proceso que, a su vez, hemos diferenciado en dos etapas, al interés público presente en las imágenes controvertidas, en el elemento decisivo para resolver este tipo de conflictos. Pero por otro, además, se presta especial atención a las recíprocas relaciones que a propósito de este supuesto se han establecido a lo largo de estas décadas entre las jurisprudencias de los Tribunales Constitucional,  Supremo y de Estrasburgo. En este sentido, nos ha parecido especialmenteinteresante fijarnos no solo en el modo en que el Tribunal Constitucional se ha servido del canon europeo (art. 10.2 CE) para construir su propia doctrina sobre el derecho fundamental a la propia imagen de los personajes públicos, sino también y muy particularmente, en la forma en que esta doctrina del Tribunal Constitucional ha sido seguida o no por el Tribunal Supremo y, por tanto, en el modo en que este último se ha sentido vinculado, si es que lo ha hecho, a la misma, dando así cumplimiento a su obligación constitucional (art. 5.1 LOPJ).Summary:1. Introduction. 2. The little, but adequate, express influence of the european canon in the first constitutional case law on the fundamental right to own´s image. 3. The fundamental right to their own image of public figures in the constitutional case law prior to STC 19/2014. Its almost null follow-up by the supreme court. 4. The fundamental right to their own image of public figures in the latest constitutional case law. Its —now yes— reception by the supreme court. 5. The relationship of constitutional case law with that of the European Court of Human Rights on this specific right, seen through STC 19/2014. 6. Conclusions.Abstract:This paper tackles the probably more controversial case concerning the dialectical relation between the freedoms of expression and information and the fundamental right to the own image. The one that refers to so-called «public figures». It does so from a dual perspective. On the one hand, it shows the evolution experienced in the right to their image of this type of people since Spanish Constitution, in 1978, recognized for the first time the right to own image as a fundamental right autonomous and different from the right to a private life (art. 18.1) to the present day. This is a process that has been marked by several landmarks: the adoption in 1982 of a rule (Organic Law 1/1982, of May 5, on civil protection of the right to reputation, privacy and own image) inwhich the legislator lays down very specific guidelines as to how such conflicts should be resolved; the intensity with which this Law has conditioned the case law of judges and courts of ordinary jurisdiction, particularly the Supreme Court; and finally, the important role played by the case law of the Constitutional Court, which, regardless of the legislative requirements and taking constitutional categories as references, has finally established, in a process that we have differentiated in two stages, the public interest of the images (or, in other words, the contribution made by photos to a debate of general interest) in the decisive element to solve this type of conflicts. But on the other hand, special attention is also paid to the reciprocal relations that have been established over these decades among the case law of the Constitutional, Supreme and Strasbourg Courts. On this regard, we have found particularly interesting to look not only at the way in which the Constitutional Court has used the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (Article 10.2 Spanish Constitution) to establish its own doctrine on the fundamental right to their image of public figures, but also, especially, in the way in which this doctrine of the Constitutional Court has been followed or not by the Supreme Court and therefore if the latter has fulfilled its constitutional obligation (Article 5.1 Organic Law of the Judiciary).

Die Macht der Bilder und Bilder der Macht: die sprachliche Konstruktion von Nationalismus und Konservatismus in der strategischen politischen Kommunikation von Vox España

2020 ◽  
Vol 136 (2) ◽  
pp. 538-566
Author(s):  
Sandra Issel-Dombert
Keyword(s):  
Language Use ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Multimodal Discourse ◽  
The Social ◽  
Core Elements ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractFrom a theoretical and empirical linguistic point of view, this paper emphasizes the importance of the relationship between populism and the media. The aim of this article is to explore the language use of the Spanish right wing populism party Vox on the basis of its multimodal postings on the social network Instagram. For the analysis of their Instagram account, a suitable multimodal discourse analysis (MDA) provides a variety of methods and allows a theoretical integration into constructivism. A hashtag-analysis reveals that Vox’s ideology consists of a nativist and ethnocentric nationalism on the one hand and conservatism on the other. With a topos analysis, the linguistic realisations of these core elements are illustrated with two case studies.

Prestaţia compensatorie în Codul civil român

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (2021) ◽  
pp. 164-179
Author(s):  
Flavius Antoniu BAIAS ◽  
◽  
Stela STOICESCU ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Case Law ◽  
Social Utility ◽  
Legal Institution ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
Procedural Law ◽  
The Social ◽  
Legal Nature ◽  
Legislative Framework ◽  
The Right ◽  
Compensatory Payment

This study aims to describe the legal regime of the compensatory payment, with reference to the legislative framework, the sources of inspiration of the regulation, as well as to the current national case-law in this matter, which confirms, by the large number of cases solved after the entry into force of the Civil Code, the social utility of this legal institution. On the basis of the case law examples provided, the authors analyze the legal nature of the compensatory allowance by distinguishing it from similar institutions – the maintenance obligation between ex-spouses or the right to compensation – the conditions to be fulfilled when granting compensatory payment, the criteria used to impose, modify or terminate the obligation, and the substantive and procedural law difficulties of these disputes.

scholarly journals El sistema español de jerarquía lingüística. Desarrollo autonómico del artículo 3 de la Constitución: lengua del Estado, lenguas cooficiales, otras lenguas españolas y modalidades lingüísticas. Teoría y praxis. // The Spanish system of language hierarchy. Autonomic development of article 3 of the Constitution: State language, co-official languages, other Spanish languages and language modalities. Theory and praxis.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Vicenta Tasa Fuster
Keyword(s):  
Linguistic Diversity ◽  
Native Languages ◽  
Autonomous Communities ◽  
Linguistic Rights ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
Official Languages ◽  
Special Respect ◽  
The Right ◽  
Official Recognition

Resumen:Este trabajo pretende dar una visión general del reconocimiento de la diversidad lingüística española que se deriva de la Constitución. Nos referimos exclusivamente a las lenguas autóctonas históricamente habladas en España; teniendo en cuenta, además, que una misma lengua puede recibir diversas denominaciones populares y oficiales.Partiendo de estas premisas, el trabajo estudia el reconocimiento que hace la Constitución Española de la diversidad lingüística en España en su artículo 3. Se subraya en el estudio que, en dicho artículo de la Constitución se establece que el castellano es la lengua española oficial del Estado y que todos los españoles tienen el deber de conocerla y el derecho a usarla (art. 3.1), que las otras lenguas españolas serán también oficiales en las respectivas comunidades autónomas, en función de la regulación que hagan sus estatutos (art. 3.2) y que España considera que la riqueza de las diferentes modalidades lingüísticas esun patrimonio cultural que deberá tener un respeto y una protección especiales (art. 3.3).El contenido de la Constitución, la jurisprudencia constitucional de las últimas cuatro décadas y los estatutos de autonomía y legislación lingüística autonómica, han asentado un reconocimiento de la diversidad lingüística española y de los derechos lingüísticos concretos de los hablantes de las distintas lenguas españolas fundamentado en el principio de jerarquía lingüística y no en los de seguridad lingüística e igualdad de derechos lingüísticos. El principio de jerarquía lingüística presupone considerar que existen unas lenguas que deben tener un reconocimiento legal y oficial superior a otras. Y, lo que es lo mismo, que los derechos lingüísticos de sus hablantes no tienen el mismo grado de reconocimiento. Llegándose a dar el caso que, en España, una misma lengua pueda llegar a tener diferentes niveles de reconocimiento legal-oficial y un número aún mayor de políticas lingüísticas que traten de convertir en una realidad substantiva todos o una parte de los derechos lingüísticos reconocidos formalmente a los hablantes de una lengua diferente del castellano en una comunidad autónoma.Así las cosas, se constata que legalmente una lengua (castellano) tiene una situación de preeminencia legal-oficial, seis lenguas españolas (catalán, gallego, vasco, occitano, aragonés y asturleonés) tienen algún tipo de reconocimiento oficial en parte del territorio en el que son habladas de manera autóctona, una lengua tiene reconocimiento político (tamazight), otra tiene un reconocimiento administrativo menor en Cataluña (caló), y tres lenguas autóctonas no tienen el más mínimo reconocimiento legal, político o administrativo (árabe, haquetia yportugués). El trabajo estudia detalladamente y de manera global la estructuración de la jerarquía lingüística en la legislación española derivadade la Constitución y concluye con una descripción de los seis niveles de jerarquía lingüística y de derechos lingüísticos que existen en España. Se defiende, finalmente, un cambio sistema lingüístico legalconstitucional que respete los principios de seguridad lingüística y el principio de igualdad de derechos lingüísticos de todos los ciudadanos españoles. Summary:1. Introduction. The Constitution and the Spanish languages. 2.Language in the statutes of monolingual communities. 3. Linguisticdiversity in multilingual communities with a single official language.4. Communities with co-officiality. 5. Final considerations: a hierarchicalrecognition. 6. Bibliography cited. Abstract:This paper is an overview of the recognition of the Spanish linguistic diversity derived from the Constitution. We refer exclusively to the native languages historically spoken in Spain; about that is important to know that the same language can receive diverse popular and official denominations.With these premises, the work studies the recognition in the article 3 of the Spanish Constitution of the linguistic diversity in Spain. It is emphasized in the study that this article establishes that the Castilian is the official Spanish language of the State and that all Spaniards have the duty to know it and the right to use it (article 3.1), that the other Spanish languages would be official in the respective autonomous communities, depending on the regulation made by their statutes of autonomy (article 3.2 ), and that Spain considers the richness of the different linguistic modalities a cultural heritage that must have special respect and protection (article 3.3).The content of the Constitution, the constitutional jurisprudence of the last four decades and the statutes of autonomy and autonomous linguistic legislation, have established a recognition of the Spanish linguistic diversity and of the specific linguistic rights of the speakers of the different Spanish languages based on the principle of linguistic hierarchy and not in those of linguistic security and equality of linguistic rights. The principle of linguistic hierarchy considers that there are some languages that have to have a legal and official recognitionsuperior to others. And, what is the same, that the linguistic rights of its speakers do not have the same degree of recognition. In Spain, the same language may have different levels of legal-official recognition and a lot of linguistic policies in the autonomous communities that try to be reality all or part of the linguistic rights formally recognized to speakers of a language other than Castilian. So it is verified that legally a language (Castilian) has a situation oflegal-official preeminence, six Spanish languages (Catalan, Galician, Basque, Occitan, Aragonese and Asturian) have some type of official recognition in part of the territory where are spoken, one language has political recognition (Tamazight), another has a lower administrative recognition in Catalonia (Caló), and three indigenous languages do not have the least legal, political or administrative recognition (Arabic, Hachetia and Portuguese).The paper studies in detail the structure of the linguistic hierarchy in Spanish legislation derived from the Constitution and concludes with a description of the six levels of linguistic hierarchy and of linguistic rights that exist in Spain. Finally, it defends a legal-constitutional linguistic system that respects the principles of linguistic security and of equality of linguistic rights of all Spanish citizens.

scholarly journals PROTECTION OF PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES RIGHTS: PRINCIPLES UNDER THE CONVENTION AND THE NATIONAL CASE-LAW

Medicne pravo ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 86-94
Author(s):  
R. B. Hobor
Keyword(s):  
Case Law ◽  
Social Model ◽  
Persons With Disabilities ◽  
Social Model Of Disability ◽  
National Courts ◽  
The Social ◽  
Physical Health Problems ◽  
High Attitude ◽  
The Right ◽  
Key Resources

In spite of all the short-comings, the level of protection of rights and capabilities of people with disabilities has become a good indicator of nation’s development, and such a trend is nothing but hopeful. At the same time, one can hardly imagine that this high attitude would be attainable without the influence of left liberal ideologies, that among omnibus achievements granted the shift from medical to social disabilities model.This situation cannot stand but to resemble in a certain state of rights and capabilities exercise, and even the availability of access to the key resources is impossible to bring to the point of marginalization of the mental and physical health problems. As the analyzed material shows, left liberal ideologists,being responsible for shaping the current International Law on Persons with Disabilities, finally succeeded in promoting their principle ideas in the nation case-law. The right to water, lay down on the ship’s practice, as you will look lower, you can use the clever illustration of that relief flow, as the national judiciary can fix the development of the rights and capabilities of individuals from the same basis.The article further develops the idea, that national courts sometimes tend to use realistic approach (as invented by R. Pound, J. Llewellyn, O.W. Holmes) for the sake of implementing the social model of disability. It has been concluded that legal realism is a transmitter for left liberal values in the modern western societies.

The Use of Blood Money in the Establishment of Non-Justice: Necrodomination and Resistance

2019 ◽  
pp. 160-186
Author(s):  
Cem Özatalay ◽  
Gözde Aytemur Nüfusçu ◽  
Gülistan Zeren
Keyword(s):  
Social Hierarchy ◽  
Judicial Process ◽  
The Social ◽  
Blood Money ◽  
Perpetrators And Victims ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

The use of blood money by powerful people during the judicial process following different kinds of homicides (workplace homicides, state homicides, gun homicides and so on) has become commonplace within the neoliberal context. Based on data obtained from five cases in Turkey, this chapter shows, on the one hand, how the use of blood money serves as an effective tool in the hands of powerful people to consolidate power relations, particularly necropower, as well as the relationship of domination, which rests upon class and identity-based inequalities. The analysis indicates that the blood money offers made by powerful people allows them to minimize potential penalties within penal courts and also to keep their privileged positions in the social hierarchy by purchasing the ‘right to kill’. On the other hand, the resistance of the oppressed and aggrieved people to the subjugation of life to the power of death is analysed with a particular focus on the role of power asymmetries between perpetrators and victims and their unequal positions in the social hierarchy. This conflictual relationship, which we qualify as an expression of necrodomination, offers novel insights into Turkey’s historically shaped system of domination.

scholarly journals El derecho de acceso a la información pública como derecho fundamental:una valoración del debate doctrinal a propósito de la ley de transparencia = The right of access to public information as fundamental right:an assessment of the doctrinal debate c

2014 ◽  
pp. 349
Author(s):  
Göran Rollnert Liern
Keyword(s):  
Public Information ◽  
Case Law ◽  
Freedom Of Information ◽  
International Treaties ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
Information Set ◽  
The Law ◽  
Parliamentary Procedure ◽  
The Right ◽  
Right Of Access

La tramitación parlamentaria de la Ley de Transparencia ha reabierto el debate doctrinal sobre el acceso a la información pública como derecho fundamental. El trabajo hace una valoración de los argumentos utilizados en la discusión, en particular de la jurisprudencia nacional sobre este derecho y de su posible integración en la libertad de información del art. 20.1 d) CE interpretándolo conforme a los tratados internacionales y atendiendo a las recientes sentencias del TEDH dictadas en 2009 y 2013.The parliamentary procedure of the Law of Transparency has reopened the doctrinal debate on access to public information as a fundamental right. The paper gives a valuation of the arguments used in the discussion, in particular the national case-law on this right and the possible integration thereof in the freedom of information set in article 20.1 d) of the Spanish Constitution interpreting it according to international treaties and taking into account the recent judgments of the ECHR established in 2009 and 2013.

Die bayerische Landtagswahl vom 14. Oktober 2018: Signal für nachhaltigen Wandel auch im Bund?

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rainer-Olaf Schultze
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
Green Party ◽  
The Social ◽  
Total Vote ◽  
High Volatility ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Near Future

The outcome of the election marks a deep shift not only in Bavarian politics but also corresponds to Germany’s ongoing restructuring of its electorate and the changing configuration of its party system at large: (1) The two catch-all parties suffered dramatic losses of more than ten percentage points; the conservative CSU lost its parliamentary majority in the state legislature, tallying less than 40 percent, the social-democratic SPD even less than ten percent of the total vote . (2) The voting behaviour is characterised by high volatility and processes of polarisation, caused by growing cleavages between town and country, between the generational as well as religious divides and the ongoing occupational differentiation in the electorate . Ideologically, these divides correlate with liberal and cosmopolitan mind-sets and (post-)modern urban lifestyles, the main electoral base of the Green party, on the one hand versus the more conservative and traditional rural electorates on the other . Their influence on the newly formed coalition between the CSU and the “Free Voters” will be more pronounced, while the populist and in part anti-pluralist electorate rallies behind the right-wing AfD . (3) In Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria and Hesse, the Green party has now replaced the SPD as the main electoral contender of the Christian-democratic parties; it remains to be seen whether their electoral fortunes can be extended to the northern and eastern parts of the country in the near future .

Current Legacies of Colonial Violence and Racialization in Tunisia

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 248-255
Author(s):  
Benoît Challand
Keyword(s):  
North Africa ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Labor Union ◽  
Right To Life ◽  
Symbolic Form ◽  
The Social ◽  
Direct Form ◽  
Racialized Violence ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

Abstract The article argues that the social life of racialization in Tunisia can be traced back to colonial norms and that one cannot speak of racialization in isolation of class differentials, elements that arose historically with the spread of the tandem colonialism-capitalism in North Africa. From a direct form of racialized violence leaving Muslim Tunisians on the low end of the colonial social ladder of worth, salaries, and the right to life, one moved to a more symbolic form of violence, with the south of the country quasi-racialized as less valuable than the urban coastal areas around Tunis and the Sahel in contemporary Tunisia. In a polity that reached independence more than six decades ago, one can witness the perpetuation of a north-south divide that dates back to the colonial times; but a historical reading of racialized brutality can help us recognize a distinct tradition of activism, in particular trade union activism around the Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT) and protests in the southern part of the country, such as the one that led to the ousting of dictator Ben Ali in 2011. Through a discussion of diachronic forms of racialization, the article suggests that Giorgio Agamben's focus on juridical issues of exception is partly misleading, for many forms of exception arise outside of the realm of emergency.

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