The Many Faces of Camouflage: An Essay on Camouflage, Surveillance, Control Society, and Cuttlefish

Author(s):  
Jan Babnik

The article investigates the relationship between social control and camouflage in contemporary conditions of new visibility from the perspective of digitalisation of photographic image and its increased integration into military and surveillance technologies. The author investigates the play of visibility and invisibility, of hiding and exposing, implied in traditional understanding of camouflage under the changed conditions of referentiality and visibility through a number of examples, ranging from surveillance projects aimed at preventing human rights violations to the military use of drones and artistic projects that either critique the new means of social control, or offer strategies of resistance to individuals.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luane Flores Chuquel

This current work studies the human rights violations suffered by indigenous peoples during the period of the Brazilian CivilMilitary Dictatorship. Likewise, it makes some notes about the beginning of the violations in a moment before this dark period. On this path, even before the Military Coup was launched in the year 1964 (one thousand nine hundred and sixty-four), the Indians were already experiencing constant usurpations of their rights at the expense of irresponsibilities commanded most of the time, by those who should watch over their rights lives. As will be seen, the violation and disrespect for Human Rights in the face of these peoples ended up becoming common and gaining strength mainly in the beginning of the implementation of the military regime. Negligent attempts at acculturation and "emancipation", in addition to inconsequential contacts with isolated peoples, culminated in the destruction and predatory logging of their lands. Missing processes of terribly violating demarcations of indigenous areas promoted the expulsion of countless peoples, causing the Indians to fall into a life totally surrounded by hunger, begging, alcoholism and prostitution. All in the name of the so-called “economic advance”, which aimed at building roads, in what was called “occupation of the Amazon”? As frequently stated by the authorities at the time, the Amazon rainforest was seen and understood as a “population void” by the Military Government. According to this thought idealized by the disgusting dictators and supporters, it will be observed that the cases of violations of Human Rights have been systematically “legalized”. The life, land and culture of indigenous peoples were left in the background. Depending on this brief narrative developed through documentary research, based on a hypothetical-deductive method, the intention is to rescue the martyrdoms of that time, demonstrating what actually happened to indigenous peoples during the Military Regime, in the simplest attempt to remember or even disclose to those who are unaware of this part of history. All that said, don't you forget. So that it never happens again.


2021 ◽  
pp. 27-53
Author(s):  
Johanna Bond

This chapter delves into examples of global intersectionality to illustrate the need for a thorough and consistent intersectional approach to human rights violations around the world. Although it is impossible to provide an exhaustive analysis of the many and varied types of intersectional human rights violations, this chapter offers multiple examples of intersectional human rights violations, including (1) gender-based violence, including both non-state actors who commit intimate partner violence and sexual violence in armed conflict; (2) maternal mortality and inadequate prenatal care in Brazil; (3) coerced sterilization among the Roma in Europe; (4) disproportionate discipline and punishment of Black girls in the United States; and (5) inconsistent LGBTQI rights. These case studies implicate different human rights, including the right to be free from violence, the right to education, and the right to the highest attainable standard of health. Each example demonstrates how a more nuanced, intersectional lens is necessary to capture the rights at stake and to contemplate appropriate remedies for victims of human rights violations in full.


2020 ◽  
pp. 097359842094343
Author(s):  
Anupama Ghosal ◽  
Sreeja Pal

The issue of Human Rights features as a prominent agenda of the United Nations and its related international organizations. However, when it comes to precise formulation of a country’s foreign policy in bilateral or multilateral forums, the issues of trade and national security find priority over pressing human rights violations occurring within the countries engaged in the diplomatic dialogue. An often-employed reason behind such an approach is the need to respect sovereignty and non-interference of a country in diplomacy. This article aims at analysing the potential which diplomacy holds to pressurize recalcitrant regimes to respect human rights. In doing so, the article tries to explore the ambit of Human Rights Diplomacy and the relationship between agenda of politics and human rights.


Author(s):  
Aoláin Fionnuala Ní

Principle 29 deals with restrictions on the jurisdiction of military courts. Under this Principle, the adjudication of human rights violations by military courts is explicitly excluded, and ordinary domestic courts are mandated as the only appropriate venue of judicial oversight. Nevertheless, military courts remain functionally important for the routine and uncontroversial deployment of military law consistent with international law. The chapter first provides a contextual and historical background on Principle 29 before discussing its theoretical framework and how military courts are used in various countries such as Ireland and Turkey. Issues arising when civilians find themselves within the jurisdiction of military courts are also examined, along with the difficulties of ensuring fair trials in military courts. This chapter shows that military courts, while certainly serving important functions within the military forces of states, remain subject to human rights and humanitarian law compliance.


1987 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
J Lovering

Military activities currently play a major role in social and economic development, even in noncombatant countries, This fact has received remarkably little attention in the social science literature, until recently. As a result, the theoretical frameworks which are available for the analysis of military activities arc underdeveloped. In this paper it is argued that there are in effect two such frameworks, derived from the Marxist and Weberian traditions, respectively. The many weaknesses of these, and the conflicts between them, are blurred rather than resolved in most recent studies of military phenomena, such as the ‘military industrial complex’. This is because the theory of the relationship between capitalist production and state institutions embedded in each perspective is seriously inadequate. A realist reconstruction is presented which highlights the significance of the national form of the state, and the contingent nature of capitalist production. This is designed to provide a new framework for appraising military activities, but it has implications for a wide range of questions concerned with the relationship between capital and state.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vito D'Orazio

Sometimes states repress political campaigns harshly, and sometimes they do not. Why? I argue that military cooperation with liberal democracies constrains the state from using severe forms of repression against opposition campaigns. Liberal democracies face costs for human rights violations by their friends, and are likely to coerce the military from repressive actions. Such interconnectedness also socializes the military with democratic militaries that have strong norms against the use of widespread and excessive repression. However, the military is not the only repressing agency, and therefore this constraint does not act to prevent repression but rather to limit its severity. This theory is tested using the NAVCO data and a new, latent measure of military cooperation. I find that military cooperation with liberal democracies does not prevent the state from repressing opposition movements, but it does limit the severity. This finding provides evidence of one benefit to expanding multinational security cooperation initiatives involving liberal democracies.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Stavrianakis

The article addresses the U.K. government's arms export licensing process to try to account for the discrepancy between its rhetoric of responsibility and practice of ongoing controversial exports. It describes the government's licensing process and demonstrate how this process fails to prevent exports to states engaged in internal repression, human rights violations, or regional stability. It then sets out six reasons for this failure: The vague wording of arms export guidelines; the framing of arms export policy; the limited use (from a control perspective) of a case-by-case approach; the weak role of pro-control departments within government; pre-licensing mechanisms that facilitate exports and a lack of prior parliamentary scrutiny, which means the government's policy can only be examined retrospectively; and the wider context of the relationship between arms companies and the U.K. state. It is concluded that the government's export control guidelines do not restrict the arms trade in any meaningful way but, rather, serve predominantly a legitimating function.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-60
Author(s):  
Pavel Ondrejek

Abstract: Positive obligations of States to protect and implement human rights are considered a part of various effects of human rights in legislations. In this article, it is argued that a crucial problem arises from the inconsistent practice of addressing violations of human rights committed by juristic persons together with a lack of underlying general theory of liability for human rights violations committed by private entities. Without a major change in the legal doctrine and case-law, we will need to remain focused on the role of the State as a guarantor of human rights, rather than on the imposition of human rights obligations on private-law entities. In this article, it is argued that the nature of the relationship between a juristic person and the State is not the only relevant aspect, as we should also examine the activity of the juristic person in question.Keywords: Positive obligations of States. Juristic persons. State-juristic person nexus. Fundamental rights. Horizontal effect.Resumo: Obrigações estatais positivas de proteger e de implementar direitos humanos são parte dos vários efeitos dos direitos humanos nas legislações nacionais. Neste artigo, argumenta-se que um problema crucial decorre da prática de abordar violações de direitos humanos cometidas por pessoas jurídicas sem uma teoria geral da responsabilidade por violações de direitos humanos cometidas por entidades privadas. Sem uma mudança importante na doutrina e na jurisprudência será preciso permanecer olhando apenas para o papel do Estado como garantidor de direitos humanos. Neste artigo argumenta-se que a natureza da relação entre uma pessoa jurídica e o Estado não é o único aspecto relevante. É preciso examinar também a atividade da pessoa jurídica em questão.Palavras-chave: Obrigações positivas dos Estados. Pessoas jurídicas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-566
Author(s):  
Jazmine Hesham Elmolla

Abstract The right to birth registration is protected under international human rights law. While this protection clearly confers an obligation on States to register births, it is less clear how this birth registration process should be carried out in order to ensure that individuals can realize numerous other human rights. For example, how should States register the births of children born to refugees or asylum seekers in order to give effect to the right to a nationality? The question is particularly relevant given the increasing number of people who are fleeing the many contemporary conflicts. The article investigates this question, along with the precise meaning and requirements of the right to birth registration under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It argues that the birth registration frameworks established by States often fail to protect the human rights of the child. Using Syrian refugees in Lebanon as a case study, the conclusion reached is that there is an urgent need for States to adopt a rights-based approach to birth registration that reflects the relationship between birth registration and other human rights.


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