scholarly journals Can positive obligations of States serve as a remedy for human rights violations committed by juristic persons?

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-60
Author(s):  
Pavel Ondrejek

Abstract: Positive obligations of States to protect and implement human rights are considered a part of various effects of human rights in legislations. In this article, it is argued that a crucial problem arises from the inconsistent practice of addressing violations of human rights committed by juristic persons together with a lack of underlying general theory of liability for human rights violations committed by private entities. Without a major change in the legal doctrine and case-law, we will need to remain focused on the role of the State as a guarantor of human rights, rather than on the imposition of human rights obligations on private-law entities. In this article, it is argued that the nature of the relationship between a juristic person and the State is not the only relevant aspect, as we should also examine the activity of the juristic person in question.Keywords: Positive obligations of States. Juristic persons. State-juristic person nexus. Fundamental rights. Horizontal effect.Resumo: Obrigações estatais positivas de proteger e de implementar direitos humanos são parte dos vários efeitos dos direitos humanos nas legislações nacionais. Neste artigo, argumenta-se que um problema crucial decorre da prática de abordar violações de direitos humanos cometidas por pessoas jurídicas sem uma teoria geral da responsabilidade por violações de direitos humanos cometidas por entidades privadas. Sem uma mudança importante na doutrina e na jurisprudência será preciso permanecer olhando apenas para o papel do Estado como garantidor de direitos humanos. Neste artigo argumenta-se que a natureza da relação entre uma pessoa jurídica e o Estado não é o único aspecto relevante. É preciso examinar também a atividade da pessoa jurídica em questão.Palavras-chave: Obrigações positivas dos Estados. Pessoas jurídicas.

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 8
Author(s):  
Kilza Fernanda Moreira de Viveiros

Artigo trata na construção de reflexões e proposições sobre a relação da educação, direitos humanos e formação de professores para atuarem na educação básica. Aborda a relação entre o poder político e a sociedade a partir da análise do Estado como instância promotora de direitos e pelos mecanismos que o mesmo se apodera para forjá-los na educação. Analisa o papel das reformas curriculares em conformidade às políticas dominantes. Discute a formação de professores e sua relação com a pobreza, com as desigualdades sociais e direitos humanos. Os fundamentos que norteiam as análises são do campo de conhecimento educacional e pedagógico. Para elucidações contextuais apropria-se de referencial sócio histórico, das políticas educacionais e políticas curriculares. Permite o diálogo com o objeto da formação e atuação de professores na área dos direitos humanos. Artigo se organiza metodologicamente em cinco tópicos a saber: Introdução, O Estado e a promoção de direitos, Currículo enquanto princípio político, Formação de professores para os direitos humanos e Considerações. Conclui ponderando a importância do papel do Estado na promoção dos direitos humanos a partir de políticas públicas comprometidas com a educação e com a formação de professores para o trabalho com os vulneráveis, as desigualdades sociais e os direitos humanos. Também chama a atenção da educação para os direitos humanos nos diferentes níveis e modalidades de ensino, expansiva à comunidade escolar.Palavras-chave: Educação. Direitos humanos. Formação de Professores. Estado. Currículo.EDUCATION, HUMAN RIGHTS AND TEACHER TRAINING: reflections and propositions.AbstractArticle deals in the construction of reflections and propositions on the relationship of education, human rights and teacher training to work in basic education. It addresses the relationship between political power and society based on the analysis of the State as a promoter of rights and the mechanisms it takes to forge them in education. It analyses the role of curricular reforms in line with dominant policies. It discusses teacher education and its relation to poverty, social inequalities and human rights. The foundations that guide the analyses are the field of educational and pedagogical knowledge. For contextual elucidations it appropriates the socio-historical reference, educational policies and curricular policies. It allows dialogue with the subject of the training and action of teachers in the area of human rights. Article is organized methodologically in five topics: Introduction, The State and the promotion of rights, Curriculum as a political principle, Training of teachers for human rights and Considerations. He concludes by considering the importance of the role of the State in the promotion of human rights from public policies committed to education and teacher training for working with the vulnerable, social inequalities and human rights. It also draws the attention of education for human rights in the different levels and modalities of education, expansive to the school community.Keywords: Education. Human rights. Teacher Training. State. Curriculum.EDUCACIÓN, DERECHOS HUMANOS Y FORMACIÓN DE PROFESSORES: reflexiones y proposicionesResumenArtículo trata en la construcción de reflexiones y proposiciones sobre la relación de la educación, derechos humanos y formación del professora do para actuar en la educación básica. Aborda la relación entre el poder político y la sociedad a partir del análisis del Estado como instancia promotora de derechos y por los mecanismos que el mismo se apodera para forjarlos en la educación. Analiza el papel de las reformas curriculares en consonancia con las políticas dominantes. Discute la formación de profesores y su relación con la pobreza, con las desigualdades sociales y derechos humanos. Los fundamentos que guían los análisis son del campo de conocimiento educativo y pedagógico. Para aclaraciones contextuales se apropia de un marco socio histórico, políticas educativas y políticas curriculares. Permite el diálogo con el objeto de formar y actuar a los docentes en el área de derechos humanos. El artículo se organiza metodológicamente en cinco temas, a saber: Introducción, El Estado y la promoción de los derechos, El currículo como principio político, La formación del profesorado en derechos humanos y Consideraciones. Se concluye considerando la importancia del papel del Estado en la promoción de los derechos humanos a partir de políticas públicas comprometidas con la educación y la formación de docentes para trabajar con las personas vulnerables, las desigualdades sociales y los derechos humanos. También llama la atención de la educación en materia de derechos humanos en los diferentes niveles y modalidades de educación, expandiéndose a la comunidad escolar.Palabras clave: Educación. Derechos humanos. Formación del profesorado. Estado. Plan de estudios.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-101
Author(s):  
Dmitry Kuznetsov

When establishing human rights violations committed by the state, should it be violation of internationally protected rights or constitutional rights, the violator is obliged to compensate for the harm caused. In the meantime, neither international sources, nor national legal acts and case law answer the question whether the obligation to compensate is exhausted by the compensation awarded in accordance with a decision of an international judicial body or such a payment has punitive nature, and the state keeps the obligation to compensate the damage within the frameworks of national proceedings. Following the first part of opening remarks the second part of the article studies universal international law approach towards the state obligation to compensate for human rights violations, it reviews positions of the International Court of Justice, the model established in international customary law of international responsibility. The third part discusses the compensation mechanism of the European Court of Human Rights and a number of cases where the Russian Federation was the respondent state. The forth part considers national regulation of the Council of Europe states and case law thereof. The author argues that the established international case law in respect of awarding compensations for human rights violations is too restrictive – it does not take into account a complex nature of this phenomenon which includes both correction of the individual applicant situation (restitution of the pre-existed situation) and prevention of similar situations in the future. It is concluded that awarding the compensation by an international body primarily constitutes a measure of international responsibility whereas consideration by a national court is a more effective means of restitution of the applicants rights and that the national court shall not deny consideration of applicants claims due to the fact that they have already been awarded compensation by the international judicial body including the European Court of Human Rights.


Author(s):  
Andrew S Gold

This chapter discusses how the ‘stickler-enjoining’ account of equity has important limits. While many distinctive doctrines of equity can be understood to limit stickler behaviour, equity in fact often turns a blind eye to, and sometimes even enables, stickler behaviour. One can sort cases in which equity restrains sticklers from those in which it is indifferent to stickler behaviour if one attends to the role of the state in private litigation. Sometimes the state’s responsibilities require it to protect plaintiffs against sticklers. Other times, it requires it to protect the stickler, as a means, for example, of keeping as open as possible each person’s sphere of choices. Ultimately, the self-regarding account of equity sheds light on the question of the relationship between equity and justice: from the distinct perspective of the judgment, sometimes equitable justice is better than legal justice and sometimes legal justice is better than equitable justice.


1986 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore J. Eismeier ◽  
Philip H. Pollock

The current American debate about the relationship between business and government represents the most significant reopening of that issue since the New Deal. The debate is in part about government's role in the economy, but the issue of business's role in politics is being joined as well, joined in fact on several fronts. There are, of course, the polemics of corporations and their critics, in which business is cast alternately as victim and villain. The issue also divides more serious students of American politics and has fostered a wealth of theorizing about the role of the state. Finally, the issue of business influence pervades discussions about campaign finance.


2004 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 493-501 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erika Szyszczak

Citizenship and human rights continue to play an important role in the evolution of Community law. Both sets of principles have appeared in the case law of the European Courts and in the creation of a Constitutional document for Europe. Part II of the draft Constitution incorporates the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Union. Additionally, the first report from the independent network of experts in fundamental human rights details the various international human rights obligations which the Member States are subject to, analysing Member State policy in a number of areas in the light of the international obligations.1Paradoxically, at a time when greater emphasis is being paid to the constitutional recognition of human rights there are indications of divisions between some of the Advocates General, the Court of First Instance and the European Court of Justice (the Court) on the constitutional role of fundamental rights in relation to access to justice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 230 ◽  
pp. 348-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine R. Schenk

AbstractSince colonial times to the present day, Hong Kong's position as a global financial centre is one of the enduring economic strengths of the territory. This success is often attributed to the distinctive role of the state, coined in the 1970s by the-then financial secretary, Sir Philip Haddon-Cave, as “positive non-interventionism.” The relationship between the market and the state has also been characterized as a form of corporatism, particularly in the financial sector as bankers were able to influence policy. However, closer examination of the behind-the-scenes relations between bankers and the state reveals a much more complex relationship, with the banks seeking protection that the government was not willing to provide. Moreover, the reluctance to regulate financial markets resulted in piecemeal interventions and weak implementation that undermined the stability of this sector and of the economy as a whole. This paper demonstrates the confusion over the concept and practicalities of positive non-interventionism, even for Haddon-Cave, and how the concept evolved towards a policy of “when in doubt, do nothing” during a period of financial instability. Along the way, the paper presents new evidence about the origins of Hong Kong's current banking structure.


Yurispruden ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Arasy Pradana A Azis

ABSTRACTThe Reformation then became a momentum for improving the issues of upholding human rights in Indonesia, where human rights matters formally entered into the division of power. On the one hand, for the first time, a ministry was formed specifically to deal with human rights matters. While outside the executive body, Law No. 39 of 1999 strengthens the position of the National Commission of Human Rights which has actually been established since 1993. This phenomenon then raises a problem statement, on how bureaucratization of human rights after Reformation is manifested through the establishment of the National Human Rights Commission and the Ministry of Human Rights. It was found that each institution gained legitimacy from political dynamics in a more democratic public space. Between the state ministries for human rights and the National Commission of Human Rights, the principle of check and balances was carried out in their role as an organ of the Indonesian bureaucracy. On the one hand, the state minister for human rights is an extension of the executive's hand in managing human rights matters. As a counterweight, the National Human Rights Commission carries out the role of the state auxiliary bodies to monitor the government’s human rights work.Keywords:    Politic of Law, Bureaucratization, Human Rigths, Ministry of Law and Human Rights Affairs, National Commission of Human Rights. ABSTRAKPeristiwa Reformasi menjadi momentum perbaikan urusan penegakan HAM di Indonesia, di mana urusan HAM secara formal masuk ke dalam pembagian kekuasaan negara. Di satu sisi, untuk pertama kalinya dibentuk satu kementerian yang secara khusus menangani urusan HAM. Sementara di luar lembaga eksekutif, Undang-Undang Nomor 39 Tahun 1999 menguatkan kedudukan Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia yang sejatinya telah terbentuk sejak tahun 1993. Fenomena ini kemudian menimbulkan satu rumusan permasalahan, yaitu bagaimana birokratisasi urusan HAM pasca reformasi termanifestasi melalui pembentukan Komnas HAM dan kementerian urusan HAM. Ditemukan bahwa masing-masing lembaga memperoleh legitimasi dari dinamika politik di ruang publik yang lebih demokratis. Antara kementerian negara urusan HAM dan Komnas HAM kemudian menjalankan prinsip check and balances dalam menjalankan perannya sebagai organ birokrasi Indonesia. Di satu sisi, kementerian negara urusan HAM merupakan perpanjangan tangan eksekutif untuk mengurus urusan HAM. Sebagai penyeimbang, Komnas HAM menjalankan peran sebagai state auxiliary bodies guna mengawasi kinerja HAM pemerintah.Kata Kunci: Politik Hukum, Birokratisasi, Hak Asasi Manusia, Kementerian Urusan HAM, Komnas HAM.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Natalia Banach ◽  

The issue of exemption from the attorney-client privilege and the nature of this attorney-client privilege is widely discussed both in the literature on the subject and in the doctrine. In order to analyze this subject, it was necessary to interpret the provisions of the Law on the Bar Ac (26 May 1982), the provisions of the Code of Bar Ethics (23 December 2011) the Constitution of the Republic of Poland (2 April 1997), both guarantees enshrined in the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Rights of liberty from 1950. The interpretation was made in conjunction with Polish case law common courts and case law of the European Court of Human Rights. This also presents the view of the polish Ombudsman’s Office. Given that the professional secrecy of lawyers is an inseparable element of justice, it would be wrong to omit the generally accepted moral norms of society in relation to the procedural role of a lawyer. The thesis put forward that the professional secrecy of lawyers is part of the implementation of the right to a fair trial and the right to respect for private life. The purpose of the work was to emphasize the essence of lawyers’ secrecy as an inseparable element of defense of the parties to the proceedings and to indicate interpretation differences between Polish courts and the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Stavrianakis

The article addresses the U.K. government's arms export licensing process to try to account for the discrepancy between its rhetoric of responsibility and practice of ongoing controversial exports. It describes the government's licensing process and demonstrate how this process fails to prevent exports to states engaged in internal repression, human rights violations, or regional stability. It then sets out six reasons for this failure: The vague wording of arms export guidelines; the framing of arms export policy; the limited use (from a control perspective) of a case-by-case approach; the weak role of pro-control departments within government; pre-licensing mechanisms that facilitate exports and a lack of prior parliamentary scrutiny, which means the government's policy can only be examined retrospectively; and the wider context of the relationship between arms companies and the U.K. state. It is concluded that the government's export control guidelines do not restrict the arms trade in any meaningful way but, rather, serve predominantly a legitimating function.


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