scholarly journals THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SULTAN ABDUL HAMID II AND MIDHAT PASHA (NOVEMBER 1876-FEBRUARY 1877)‎‎

2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (08) ◽  
pp. 408-427
Author(s):  
Seenaa Jasim Mohammed Seenaa Jasim AL TAEE
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Social Systems ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship

At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Ottoman Empire witnessed ‎attempts to reform the political, economic, military, and social systems ‎according to the European style. Reforms emerged clearly in the ‎nineteenth century, resulting in a conflict between opponents and ‎supporters of reform. Among the manifestations of that dispute was ‎between Sultan Abdul Hamid II, who opposes reform, and Midhat Pasha, ‎who supports reforms. The research was divided into an introduction, a ‎conclusion, and three axes. The first axis dealt with the starting of the ‎development of views between Sultan Abdul Hamid II and Midhat Pasha. ‎As for the second one, it was the role of Midhat Pasha during the reign of ‎Sultan Abdul Hamid II. While the third axis discussed the political ‎position of Midhat Pasha after he was appointed as the (Grand Vizier). ‎The research came out with a set of important conclusions‎‎‎‎. Keywords: The Ottoman Empire, the politician, Medhat Pasha, Sultan Abdul Hamid.

Sir Simonds D'Ewes and the levying of ship money, 1635–1640

1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. P. Salt
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Relationship

ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the relationship between constitutional ideas and political action during the 1630s by comparing the privately expressed ideas of Sir Simonds D'Ewes regarding ship money with his conduct regarding the levy, especially while he was sheriff of Suffolk in 1639–40. The first section investigates the constitutionalist views expressed in D'Ewes's ‘autobiography’, unpublished during his lifetime, and their relationship to D'Ewes's attitude to the political role of the levy. The second section studies D'Ewes's conduct as sheriff, in which he gave almost no expression to constitutionalist ideas, and suggests that he struck a middle course between neglect and zeal, while finding means to oppose the levy through his connections at court. The third section seeks to establish the reasons for the inconsistencies between D'Ewes's privately expressed ideas and his public conduct, which may have lain in a belief that, in the prevailing political situation, criticism of the levy had, in order to be effective, to be expressed in terms acceptable to potentially sympathetic courtiers; D'Ewes adapted the tone of his comments on ship money to his audience in order to achieve political ends, but had also to act in ways which would make that tone convincing. Participation in the collection of ship money was therefore not inconsistent with opposition to it.

scholarly journals British occupation of Iraq study in its political development (1917- 1927)

2018 ◽  
Vol 222 (1) ◽  
pp. 253-268
Author(s):  
Dr. Mohamed Abdullah Kaka Sur
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Political Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
The Third ◽  
British Occupation ◽  
Historical Factors ◽  
Historical Importance ◽  
History Of

Occupation of Britain has had a significant impact on the history of Iraq. Even after the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 and the effects of this occupation existed. On this basis, one of the historians used the term Iraq - British royal rule in the period. So, important to know what are the historical factors which led to Britain occupy Iraq, beyond the historical trend of the state and the fundamental changes which led to the establishment of the Iraqi state. In this study, entitled (the historical reasons for the occupation of Iraq, Britain to study the political development between the years 1917 to 1920). Which ensures the number of vertical axes, the first axis looking for strategic importance of Iraq and the situation in Iraq under the leadership of the Ottoman Empire. The second axis tells Britain's occupation of Iraq, the third axis either looking for agreements made between Iraq and Britain the first, second and third.The fourth axis looking for challenging the Iraqis against the British occupation and private revolted in 1920, including the role of the Kurds in this revolution. In fact, with the reasons for strategic and economic, historical factors have had an important role in the occupation of Iraq with the causes and factors which mentioned were overlapping, Baghdad was the capital of Iraq through the stories of One Thousand and One Nights was written in the West and known Babylon was one of the oldest cities, which have been mentioned in Holy book by the West, so intertwined historical importance Wares in the cause of Britain's occupation of Iraq

scholarly journals Intertextuality of Political Discourse in Germany (on the Example of “Political Ash Wedfnesday”)

2020 ◽  
pp. 76-90
Author(s):  
Maria A. Elizarieva ◽  
Marina A. Chigasheva ◽  
Boris Blahak ◽  
Maria Yu. Mikhina
Keyword(s):  
Literary Work ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Television Commercial ◽  
The Third ◽  
Christian Social Union ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

The article is devoted to the role of intertext in public speeches of politicians of the Christian Social Union in Bavaria within the framework of the “political ash Wednesday”. On the example of the speeches of M. Söder, A. Scheuer and M. Blume in 2018, the relationship between the type of intertext and its pretext, on the one hand, and the speaker’s intention, on the other, was analyzed. As a result of the analysis of 23 intertextual inclusions, four intentions were revealed, among which (48 %) criticism of political opponents (SDPG, “The Greens”, AfD, “Free Voters”) prevails. Quotes from representatives of these parties, political slogans, a paraphrase of the name of the eco-movement and a quote from an artist are used to express it. As the intertextual analysis showed, to verbalize the second intention (appeal to authoritative opinion and emphasize the continuity of the party course), the former chairman of the CSU F. J. Strauss is cited, while the third intention (opposing Bavaria to the rest of Germany) is implemented using a quote from the Bavarian anthem, a paraphrase of a television commercial and quotations from a literary work. In addition, the authors found that the fourth intention (emphasizing the dialogic nature of communication with ordinary people) is found only in M. Söder’s speech in the form of a retelling of his dialogues with ordinary citizens.

Reorienting The Production of Space: Rhythmanalysis, desire, and “The Siege of the Third Precinct”

2020 ◽  
pp. 239965442097094
Author(s):  
Alex Farrington
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Henri Lefebvre ◽  
Production Of Space ◽  
The Third ◽  
Intimate Knowledge ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Ideal Method ◽  
The Ideal

Whenever scholars inquire into the relationship between space and power, you can almost invariably find a reference to Henri Lefebvre. However, his initial popularization by David Harvey involved an overemphasis on the political-economic dimensions of his work. This article revisits The Production of Space to show that Lefebvre considered rhythmanalysis – and not a political economy of space – as the ideal method for transforming space and everyday life. Lefebvre argues that a more embodied and intimate knowledge of spatial rhythms can inform the appropriation of space by its everyday inhabitants, in opposition to capital and state power. To demonstrate the radical political potential of rhythmanalysis, I follow my reading of The Production of Space with an examination of “The Siege of the Third Precinct in Minneapolis,” a rhythmanalytic account of the recent Minneapolis uprising. This account, which was circulated online to share tactical insights with other protesters, evokes a number of new avenues for rhythmanalytic research.

scholarly journals Crossing the Mediterranean

2021 ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
Ozan Ozavci
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Discursive Practice ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
Eastern Question ◽  
The Will ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter discusses that the French invasion of Egypt in 1798 epitomized a discursive practice in the Levant. European Great Powers of the time looked to supply security beyond their imperial territories by military expeditions, allegedly for the benefit of the locals even if against the will of the regional sovereigns—in this case, the Ottoman imperial rulers. The architects of the 1798 occupation, Bonaparte and Talleyrand, portrayed their expedition as a ‘service’ the Ottoman Empire. But, in reality, the 1798 expedition was the outcome of decades long debates in France. It ultimately resulted from a diverse set of geostrategic, political, economic and financial determinants that defined the Eastern Question in the late eighteenth century. What exactly did the Eastern Question pertain to before the nineteenth century then? And how did 1798 relate to it?

The Atlantic Revolutions in the German Lands, 1776–1849

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Sperber
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
American Revolution ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Age Of Revolution ◽  
The Third ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Atlantic Economy ◽  
Cultural Connections

The Atlantic Revolutions in the German lands is the essence of this article. A discussion of the Atlantic revolutions in the German lands begins here with a consideration of the connections between those lands and the Atlantic world. On the eve of the age of revolution, these connections were modest, at best. The German lands had few direct ties to the Atlantic economy; social and cultural connections were sparse as well. New forms of political organization and action, as well as new ideas about the nature of politics were developing in some of the Atlantic countries during the third quarter of the eighteenth century, all of which would resulted in the revolutions of 1776 and 1789. What this discussion suggests is that the external political and intellectual impulses of the American Revolution were, at best, supplemental to trends generated within the German lands themselves. An observation of the political upheavals during the nineteenth century winds up this article.

Reading the Qurʾān on Jihād: Two Early Exegetical Texts

2015 ◽  
pp. 33-49
Author(s):  
Andrew Rippin
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Relationship

Understanding the character of early jihād has been the focus of much scholarly effort. The relationship between those fighting and the political power of the caliph, the notion of the obligation and appropriateness of continued fighting and the role of the renunciant tradition among early fighters, especially those who become associated with the scholarly classes, are all issues that have drawn attention. 1 The challenges in tackling these issues are many and are primarily related to the limited number and nature of the early sources available to us to clarify the matter. Two early texts that focus on legal aspects of the Qurʾān comprise sources that have not yet been fully tapped in discussing these questions. One work is by Muqātil b. Sulaymān, who died in 150/767 and, while the text in question, Tafsīr al-Khams Miʾat Ā ya min al-Qurʾān al-Karīm, may have achieved its final form later in the second or even the third hijrī century, it represents some of the earliest Qurʾānic exegetical material we have available. The second work is by Abū ʿUbayd, who died in 224/838, and is devoted to abrogation in the Qurʾān (and, to a lesser extent, the Sunna), entitled Kitāb al-Nāsikh wa-l-mansūkh.

From Persecution to Pragmatism: The Habsburg Roma in the Eighteenth Century

2006 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 99-120
Author(s):  
David M. Crowe
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Institutions ◽  
National Agenda ◽  
The People ◽  
National Movements ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Birth Death

In many ways, the habsburg roma, or Gypsies, are a “people without history.”1 Given their nomadic existence, they left little or no imprint on the political, economic, and cultural institutions of the various dominions through which they passed. Even such staples of social historians as birth, death, and census records, land and tax registers, court transcripts, and popular newspapers bear little witness to their presence and impact. Not surprisingly, successive regimes in Vienna and other centers of power had little interest in a people who dwelled permanently only on the lower rungs of society. The Roma also had no corporate or national agenda. Although some did participate on the edges of various nineteenth-century national movements, they did so only marginally and often as Hungarians, Romanians, or Slovaks, rather than as representatives of the Roma community. Much of what we know comes not from the people themselves, but from the observations of non-Roma or gadžé (singular, gadžo; plural, gadžé or gadjé), whose accounts were often riddled with the kinds of cultural overlays and stereotypes that have haunted the Roma for centuries.

Imprensa, raça e civilização: José de Fontes Pereira e o pensamento intelectual angolano no século XIX

Afro-Ásia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Antonio Estevam Santos
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Administration ◽  
Administrative Positions ◽  
Social Transformations ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Economic

<p>Neste trabalho, procuramos interpretar e analisar por meio dos artigos publicados nos principais periódicos de Luanda o pensamento intelectual de José de Fontes Pereira. Buscamos analisar o conjunto de reflexões deste “<em>filho do país</em>” numa articulação complexa entre imprensa, civilização, raça e a burocracia colonial. Apresentamos, também, a força da emergente imprensa angolana na segunda metade do século XIX em meio às transformações políticas, econômicas e sociais, e o papel político de José de Fontes Pereira diante das tensões raciais envolvendo as disputas por cargos administrativos em Angola.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: imprensa - civilização - raça.</p><p><strong><em><br /></em></strong></p><p><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong>:<em> In this work, we try to interpret and analyze, through the articles published in the main periodicals of Luanda, the intellectual thinking of José de Fontes Pereira. We seek to analyze the set of reflections of this "son of the country" in a complex articulation between press, civilization, race and the colonial administration. We also present the strength of the emerging Angolan press in the second half of the nineteenth century amidst political, economic and social transformations, furthermore the political role of José de Fontes Pereira in the face of racial tensions involving disputes over administrative positions in Angola</em>.</p><p> </p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong>:<em> press - civilization - race</em>.</p>

scholarly journals Ethnology and colonial administration in nineteenth-century British India: the question of native crime and criminality

2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-219 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK BROWN
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Administration ◽  
Scientific Theories ◽  
British India ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
Late Eighteenth

This paper examines the central role of ethnology, the science of race, in the administration of colonial India. This occurred on two levels. First, from the late eighteenth century onwards, proto-scientists and administrators in India engaged with metropolitan theorists through the provision of data on native society and habits. Second, these same agents were continually and reciprocally influenced in the collection and use of such data by the political doctrines and scientific theories that developed over the course of this period. Among the central interests of ethnographer-administrators was the native criminal and this paper uses knowledge developed about native crime and criminality to illustrate the way science became integral to administration in the colonial domain.

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