scholarly journals Factors Responsible for Weak Democratic Culture among the Political Parties of the Pakistan

2017 ◽  
pp. 252-273
Author(s):  
Syed Ali Shah Et al.,

Democracy, as defined by Lincoln, is “government of the people by the people, and for the people” (1). Political parties around the globe function under the same ideology. On the contrary, the true democratic process is not fully observed within these parties. Though this observation is applicable globally to nearly all political parties in one way or another, in Pakistan, similar to other third world countries, the political parties have growing scarcity of the democratic culture. If party elections and voting are held to some extent, it is taken merely as a ritual or legal binding only. As a practice, one finds an authoritarian approach, hegemony, oligarchy and limited freedom of decision-making provided to members of parties.

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-364
Author(s):  
Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  
Abdul Basit Khan ◽  
Mussawar Hussain Bukhari

In the democratic form of government, political parties play a determinative and creative role. Striving for public offices is their fundamental objective which distinguishes them from other social organizations; hence, parties utilize all channels to secure maximum parliamentary slots. In a representative and inclusive democracy, political parties perform a set of different jobs ranging from nomination of electoral candidates, managing their campaigns, transforming public sentiments and demands into public policy, citizens’ integration as well as fabricating government and civil society. Giving much importance to the political parties for the development of representative democracy, concerns have been raised about the ways in which they discharge their functions. If democracy deems not to flourish without political parties, then it is also important to assess how political parties are internally democratic in their determination and decision-making, influence and significance, proceeding and practices and distribution and dissemination of authority.  In developing states, majority of political parties are operating as family-enterprises lacking true internal democratic culture. Self- centric, dynastic and interrupted politics have plagued the democratic norms and values. By focusing upon the ways and means which the parties adopt to elect their office-bearers as well as the mechanism which they prefer to nominate electoral candidates, the instant study will investigate whether or not the mainstream political parties in Pakistan, India and Bangladesh are democratic in their functioning?


Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.


Author(s):  
Yuriy Kyrychenko ◽  
Hanna Davlyetova

The article examines the role of political parties in modern state-building processes in Ukraine. The place of political parties in the political and legal system of society is determined. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered. It is noted that political parties play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, act as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities, influence the formation of public opinion and the position of citizens directly involved in elections to public authorities and local governments. It is determined that in a modern democratic society, political parties carry out their activities in the following areas: the work of representatives of political parties in public authorities and local governments; participation in elections of state authorities and local self-government bodies; promoting the formation and expression of political will of citizens, which involves promoting the formation and development of their political legal consciousness. These areas of political parties determine their role and importance in a modern democratic society, which determines the practical need to improve their activities and improve the national legislation of Ukraine in the field of political parties. Political parties are one of the basic institutions of modern society, they actively influence the ac-tivities of public authorities, economic and social processes taking place in the state and so on. It is through political parties that the people participate in the management of public affairs. Expressing the interest of different social communities, they become a link between the state and civil society. The people have the opportunity to delegate their powers to political parties, which achieves the ability of the people to control political power in several ways, which at the same time through competition of state political institutions and political parties contributes to increasing their responsibility to the people. It is noted that the political science literature has more than 200 definitions of political parties. And approaches to the definition of this term significantly depend on the general context in which this issue was studied by the researcher. It was emphasized that today in Ukraine there are important issues related to the activities of political parties. First of all, it is a significant number of registered political parties that are incapable, ie their political activity is conducted formally or not at all. According to official data from the Department of State Registration and Notary of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, 352 political parties are registered, of which 48 political parties do not actually function. The reason for the liquidation of such parties is not to nominate their candidates for the election of the President of Ukraine and People's Deputies of Ukraine for 10 years. According to this indicator, Ukraine ranks first among other European countries. Thus, 73 political parties are officially registered in Latvia, 38 in Lithuania, 45 in Moldova, 124 in Romania, and 56 in Slovakia. However, despite the large number of officially registered political parties in Ukraine, public confidence in their activities is low. It is concluded that political parties occupy a special place in the political and legal system of society and play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, as well as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered, namely: introduction of effective and impartial control over activity of political parties; creating conditions for reducing the number of political parties, encouraging their unification; establishment of effective and efficient sanctions for violation of the requirements of the current legislation of Ukraine by political parties.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 319-351
Author(s):  
Radosław Marzęcki

Abstract In the article the author presents data to identify the most important obstacles hindering efficient communication between political parties and Polish youth. The main assumptions accepted by the author are related to the belief that the Central and Eastern European countries are still trying to figure out ways of dealing with the key challenges related to transformation – the (re)creation of the civil society and a new, democratic culture of political discourse. Understanding that all social change is evolutionary and is a part of some social movement, the author assumes that the post-communist societies now face a chance to meaningfully accelerate this process. The chance is related to the young generation of citizens – often of the same age as the democracies themselves.


1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 698-705
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock

The elections which were held throughout Germany on May 20, 1928, are of considerable interest and importance not only to Germany but also to the rest of the world. These elections, to be sure, did not have the dramatic interest which attended the Reichstag elections of December, 1924. But they deserve attention for a number of reasons: first, because they are the first elections to be held in the Reich under what may be called normal conditions; second, because elections for five Landtags and several city councils were held at the same time; and third, because the elections gave a further test, and supplied additional evidence of the operation, of the German system of proportional representation.Despite the intensive work of the political parties, the people were not aroused to much enthusiasm during the campaign. The old Reichstag was dissolved before Easter, but not until the last week of the campaign could one detect any excitement. Never before had the electors been bombarded with so much printed matter, posters, and, last but not least, loud-speakers and films. All the modern methods of appealing to the voters were tried by the numerous political parties. There were lacking, however, the overpowering issues and the battlecries which were so effective in 1924. Parades, demonstrations, meetings, and all the rest were carried through successfully on the whole, but they were quite dull and uninteresting. Only the two extreme parties, the National Socialists or Hitlerites on the right, and the Communists on the left, could appear enthusiastic. Nevertheless, the lack of what the Germans call a “grosse Parole” and the lack of excitement are not to be deplored; their absence probably indicates progress toward social and political consolidation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
Andrei Marmor

This chapter describes the tension between democratic decision-making procedures and constitutional judicial review. It shows that the liberal values that justify a democratic self-government may also vindicate some limits on majoritarian decision-making procedures, but not necessarily in the form of the current constitutional regimes. The chapter argues that constitutional courts are not a necessary feature of a liberal regime. It also acknowledges that democratic decision-making has many defects. These defects concern the fate of persistent vulnerable minorities, the tendency towards short-sightedness, a similar tendency to downplay people's rights and liberties for the sake of greater economic gains or in the force of external threats, and finally the dangers of populism and anti-liberal politics gaining ground within a democratic system. The chapter then depicts courts as essentially conservative institutions which are not — and cannot be — as counter-majoritarian as depicted by legal scholars, mainly because their legitimacy and the acceptance of their decisions depends on the people. It contends that the acceptance and efficacy of judicial review is context dependent, but that some fights still need to be fought in the political, not the legal arena.


Author(s):  
Bumke Christian ◽  
Voßkuhle Andreas

This chapter considers the relevant provisions of Art. 21 of the Grundgesetz (GG) with regard to political parties. Art. 21 GG does not define the term ‘political party’ and provides only a description of its function, which is ‘to participate in the formation of the political will of the people’. There are two conceptions of political party in the literature: the model of the ‘party state’ and the model of ‘party competition’. Political parties display the elements described in both models. The chapter first examines the Federal Constitutional Court's jurisprudence concerning the definition of ‘party’ before discussing the constitutional freedom to found and organise parties, prohibition of parties, competition between political parties and equality of opportunity among parties, and party financing (private financing and state financing).


2000 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Nelson

A theory of democratic institutions should provide us with a coherent combination of definition and justification. It should explain how it defines democratic institutions and also how they will or should function; but it also should explain why democracy, so understood, is desirable. We are all familiar with stories about the fiscal excesses to which democracies are prone, stories about the ignorance of voters, and stories about the venality of legislators. Some of us may also be suspicious of concepts such as “consent” or “the will of the people” associated with traditional arguments for democracy. Against this background, the current interest in deliberative democracy seems promising. This conception of democracy does not rely, for example, on the idea of rational and knowledgeable voters satisfying preferences they have independent of the political process. Nor does it rely on any notion of an independent popular will. Instead, it offers a picture of the democratic process as one in which men and women engage in constructive discussion, seeking a principled resolution of their differences and developing, over time, a conception of the terms on which they will live with one another.


1989 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Charlot

Three conceptions of the political party can be distinguished. They are Seiler's sociocultural cleavage approach; Lawson's notion of the linkage party, based upon participatory, policy-responsive, clientèle reward and government directive linkages; and Offerlé's conception of parties as political enterprises concentrating upon partisan supply to the political market. After suggesting that, whatever their partial merits, none of these approaches provides the basis for a comprehensive theory of political parties, a dual party approach is prepared. Every party exists in and for itself as well as interacting with a constraining environment. A dialectical model, based upon relations between internal decision-making and external competition within the context of the rules of the game, offers the best prospect of further advance in the study of political parties.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Randy Pradityo

Penyelesaian perkara pada jalur litigasi yang cenderung lambat ditambah dengan penumpukan perkara, didukung dengan banyaknya celah atau kekurangan pada undang-undang partai politik, khususnya terkait penyelesaian perselisihan internal partai. Banyaknya permasalahan tersebut mengharuskan setiap individu yang terlibat untuk mengambil tindakan progresif dengan melampaui peraturan tersebut. Tindakan progresif yang dimaksud salah satunya melalui jalur non-litigasi yakni mediasi. Mediasi dilaksanakan dengan musyawarah mufakat, dengan melibatkan rakyat didalamnya, atau lebih tepatnya tokoh masyarakat yang dirasa netral. Terlepas hal itu merupakan sengketa internal partai, namun rakyatlah yang memiliki andil di dalam setiap roda kehidupan partai politik di dalam sistem demokrasi. Kemudian ada beberapa cara yang bisa ditempuh dalam rangka penyelesaian perselisihan internal partai politik, selain mediasi tadi, ada tiga sistem penunjang untuk mencegah potensi buruk yang ditimbulkan akibat gejolak internal partai. Pertama, melalui mekanisme internal yang menjamin demokratisasi melalui partisipasi anggota partai politik tersebut dalam proses pengambilan keputusan. Kedua, melalui mekanisme transparansi partai melalui rakyat di luar partai yang dapat ikut-serta berpartisipasi dalam penentuan kebijakan yang hendak diperjuangkan melalui dan oleh partai politik. Ketiga, menjamin kebebasan berpikir, berpendapat dan berekspresi, serta kebebasan untuk berkumpul dan berorganisasi secara damai.The settlement of cases in litigation pathways that tend to be slow coupled with the accumulation of cases, supported by the many gaps or shortcomings in the laws of political parties, especially related to the settlement of internal party disputes. The number of these problems requires every individual involved to take progressive action by exceeding these regulations. The progressive actions that are meant by one of them through non-litigation means mediation. Mediation is carried out through consensus deliberations, involving the people in it, or more precisely the community leaders who are perceived as neutral. Apart from that it is an internal party dispute, but it is the people who have a share in every wheel of the life of a political party in a democratic system. Then there are several ways that can be pursued in order to resolve internal political party disputes, in addition to the mediation, there are three support systems to prevent the bad potential arising from internal party turmoil. First, through an internal mechanism that guarantees democratization through the participation of members of the political party in the decision making process. Second, through the mechanism of party transparency through people outside the party who can participate in the determination of policies that are to be fought for through and by political parties. Third, guarantee the freedom of thought, opinion and expression, as well as the freedom to gather and organize peacefully.


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