Insights on conscientious peacemaking as a dimension of positive sexuality

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-33
Author(s):  
DJ Williams ◽  
Lynette Coto ◽  
William Strean

Peacemaking is included as one of eight interrelated dimensions of positive sexuality, yet it is perhaps the least familiar aspect of positive sexuality to both professionals and lay people within modern Western society. Although a peacemaking process has been practiced by indigenous cultures for centuries, the contemporary U.S. political climate is now to a point, unfortunately, when ubiquitous war-making to address social issues is normalized and commonly assumed to be the only process for resolving such issues. In this article, we summarize key features of a peacemaking approach and suggest how peacemaking is related to, but also distinct from, other dimensions of positive sexuality. We emphasize the need to apply attributes of conscientious peacemaking to a range of contemporary sociosexual problems and issues, while addressing identity politics, sex education, and sexual crime, as specific examples.

2020 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. e2020008
Author(s):  
Yongho Jee ◽  
Gyuyoung Lee

OBJECTIVES: Since exposure to sexual content and early sexual initiation among adolescents have become serious social issues in Korea, an in-depth analysis of trends in the prevalence of sexual experience among Korean adolescents is necessary to project the trends and policies required for the next 10 years. The objective of this study was to identify the contributions of age, period, and birth cohort effects on the prevalence of sexual experience in Korean adolescents.METHODS: We analyzed age-specific, period-specific, and birth cohort–specific trends in the prevalence of sexual experience among 911,502 adolescents (469,593 boys, 51.5%; 441,909 girls, 48.5%) aged 12 years to 17 years from the 2006 to 2017 Korean Youth Risk Behavior Web-based Survey. Joinpoint regression analysis was conducted to examine significant changes in the prevalence of sexual experience and to find the optimal number and location of places where trends changed.RESULTS: The prevalence of sexual experience generally increased with age in all periods in both boys and girls. In boys, the prevalence of sexual experience increased in recent periods, especially in the age group of 12-13 years, while the prevalence of sexual experience decreased in the age group of 16-17 years. In girls, the age group of 12-13 years showed an increased prevalence of sexual experience in recent periods. However, the prevalence showed a decreasing trend in the age group of 16-17 years.CONCLUSIONS: In boys and girls, sexual experience increased with age, although this tendency has slowed in recent cohorts. Therefore, early sex education is needed.


Author(s):  
Andrew L. Whitehead ◽  
Samuel L. Perry

Taking America Back for God conclusively reveals that understanding the current cultural and political climate in the United States requires reckoning with Christian nationalism. Christian ideals and symbols have long played an important role in public life in the United States, but Christian nationalism demands far more than a recognition of religious heritage. At heart, Christian nationalism fights to preserve a particular kind of social order, an order in which everyone—Christians and non-Christians, native-born and immigrants, whites and minorities, men and women—recognizes their “proper” place in society. The first comprehensive empirical analysis of Christian nationalism in the United States, Taking America Back for God illustrates the scope and tremendous influence of Christian nationalism on debates surrounding the most contentious social issues dominating American public discourse. Drawing on multiple sources of national survey data collected over the past several decades and in-depth interviews, Whitehead and Perry document how Christian nationalism radically shapes what Americans think about who they are as a people, what their future should look like, and how they should get there. Regardless of Americans’ political or religious characteristics, whether they are Ambassadors, Accommodators, Resisters, or Rejecters of Christian nationalism provides powerful insight into what they think about immigration, Muslims, gun control, police shootings, atheists, gender roles, and many other political issues—even who they want in the White House. Taking America Back for God convincingly shows how Christian nationalists’ desire for political power, rigid social boundaries, and hierarchical order creates significant consequences for all Americans.


Author(s):  
Farida Farida

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><strong>Sexuality Education in Islamic Perspective for Adolescents in IPNU-IPPNU Branch of Loram Wetan Village Kudus Regency</strong>. Sexual crime does not only occur between men and women, but also between men, or during childhood, both boys and girls. The existence of sex education in adolescents will make adolescents in IPNU-IPPNU organization able to take care of themselves and socialize to other peers in order to achieve the perfection of human existence in social interaction. The purpose of this study was to find out the efforts to form an understanding of the sex differences between men and women in family, work and throughout life; the role of sex in human and family life, the relationship between sex and love, feelings of sex in marriage and so on; develop self-understanding in relation to sexual functions and needs; and help adolescents to develop their personalities so that they are able to make responsible decisions. This study used qualitative research methods. The results of this research are IPNU-IPPNU adolescent branch of Loram Wetan Village were given information about sex tools based on Islamic values originating from the Qur'an and Hadith, efforts to form an understanding of sex role in human life and so on by providing information about the formation of sakinah family and support from religious figures, sex education is given in a narrow sense (in context), and efforts to help adolescents develop their personalities by supporting all academic and non-academic activities in educational institutions as well as actively participating in IPNU-IPPNU socio-religious activities.</p><p class="07KatakunciKeywords"><strong>Keywords:</strong> Education, Sexuality, Adolescents</p>


Maska ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (200s3) ◽  
pp. 34-47
Author(s):  
Tej Gonza

Abstract The cliff beneath the feet of western society forces us to flirt with alternative economic systems. These are mostly rhetorical suggestions lacking the necessary gravitas to get us out of the shitty mess that is late capitalism. Instead of dealing with the hound that is slowly nibbling on the hare, we could, for a change, ask the latter why it got itself caught in the first place. The twenty-first century left offers no alternative to late capitalism. The Millennial part is caught up in identity politics that have lost their middle-class common denominator. And the Boomer part is caught up in the dogmatisms of statist socialisms that seem lost in the Instagram space. The new left consideration of the economy should look for inspiration in the radical interpretation of liberalism, democratic theory, inalienable human rights, feminism and abolitionism. As it is difficult to give a column-like presentation of ideas that require the space of book volumes, this essayistic article mainly provides an overview of the main institutions. It will discuss the following questions: why is Marx actually a liberal? Why is capitalism dismantling the ethical basis of private property? What is Boomer socialism and what is the Millennial left? In which points is David Harvey’s understanding of neo-liberalism wrong and why is the state, on the other hand, the epitome of neoliberalism? What is the definition of precarity, how are people working in the culture sector doing and why is precarity not a capitalist category? What is radical economic liberalism and why is it more subversive than étatist socialisms? And, last but not least, what is the realpolitik of an alternative economic system and why does the survival of political democracy depend on it?


1981 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 123-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.L. Holdstock

Psychology grew out of the European and North American soil, which, according to several African authors, is impoverished in soul and poor in spirit. It is to such psychology that we in South Africa bow our heads. In doing so we do ourselves a disservice, for there is in sub-Sahara Africa a psychological dimension which has a great deal to offer the rest of the world. Southern Africa's psychological potential is especially apparent with respect to the holistic principle — the importance of the majority of her people attach to the physical, spiritual and interpersonal dimensions of being. In contrast to Africa's holistic approach the framework of ‘bigoted rationalism and fanatic adherence to outer physical reality’, characteristic of western society, has created a dehumanized psychology, particularly apparent in South Africa. Not only is there no understanding or need to understand and know about the psychological principles underlying life in Africa, but psychology seems to be oblivious to the immense human drama being enacted within the borders of our country. The psychological profession fails to facilitate communication between the races and develop the empathic ability of white people. In the light of the present political climate, an interesting feature of South African psychology is the fact that Afrikaans speaking departments at universities are generally adhering closer to the ‘more’ human ‘Rogerian’ than the ‘less’ human ‘Skinnerian’ approach to therapy. Yet Rogers' concern for the dignity and worth of each individual is not implemented in the larger social context. Most of the English medium departments, adhering to a politically more liberal policy which claims to acknowledge the human rights of all citizens, paradoxically pay very little attention to the Rogerian approach.


2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 1995-2016
Author(s):  
Helen Sauntson

ABSTRACT New statutory Relationships and Sex Education (RSE) guidance for schools in England was published in 2019. One of the major revisions since the preceding version has been the new inclusion of LGBTQ+ identities and relationships. Some groups in the UK have recently protested against this inclusion of positive teaching about LGBTQ+ identities and relationships, suggesting that, although there is overwhelming support for the new guidance, there are still groups in society who are opposed to democratic teaching about this dimension of equality. Focusing on publicly-available video recordings of the protests, this article firstly critically analyses the key discursive strategies deployed by the anti-LGBTQ+ protest groups to produce discrimination and denial. I then compare the language used by the protest groups against the language used by other UK groups who support and continue to campaign for LGBTQ+ inclusion in RSE. Positive discourse analysis, as a progressive dimension of critical discourse analysis, is used to examine how the language used by these groups functions to resist the discriminatory discourse used by the anti-LGBTQ+ groups analysed in the first part of the article. Analysis of the discourse used by the two sets of groups reveals conflicting discourses around what is perceived to constitute ‘democracy’ and ‘equality’ in the context of LGBTQ+ inclusion and schools, suggesting that these are fragile concepts in the current British political climate.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Paul Leon Whitfield

This study explores the events of the Dronfield school strike of 1914. In doing so it considers the personal experiences of those centrally involved and the impact of events on them. The core aim of the study is to consider how much the Dronfield events were initiated and driven by the reformist actions of one woman, headteacher of Dronfield Elementary School Girls’ Department Sarah Outram; how much they were the expression of conflicting social forces prevailing in the early years of the twentieth century; and how much the specific circumstances prevailing in the town of Dronfield created the atmosphere in which the school strike could occur. This study examines a wide range of primary source material relating to the Dronfield school strike. Some of the primary sources, such as the file of the Board of Education investigation, have been considered by earlier historical studies, but this study examines sources not explored before. These include the widespread newspaper coverage, and documents about the pre-existing conflict between the Dronfield school managers and the Derbyshire Education Committee, which formed a backdrop to the strike events. The study places the Dronfield event in the wider context of the social movements of the early 20th century, including the struggle for women’s suffrage and debates around feminism, sex education, social purity and eugenics. It then focusses on the particular circumstances in Dronfield and examines how events were shaped by the actions, motives and beliefs of people within the town. The study shows how tensions around social issues existed across the country, but only in Dronfield did they combine with local circumstances to provoke and sustain the unique phenomenon of the Dronfield school strike. In doing so the study presents an example of the impact wider social movements could have on everyday life at a local level.


Author(s):  
Anna Marie Stirr

Discussion of political topics in dohori lyrics was strictly forbidden in competitions and the state-run media up until 1990. This chapter looks at the slow movement toward including party politics and specific social issues in dohori performance and recordings. It examines relationships between party politics, identity politics, and the intimate politics of dohori singing. Three interrelated aspects include the inclusion of romantic love in songs sung for party political platforms, and politics in romantic love songs; arguments for caste equality through a musical meritocracy; and attempts to create social change through the words, music, videos, and live performance of dohori songs.


2015 ◽  
Vol 157 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-55
Author(s):  
Julie Rigg

When The Australian began publication out of Canberra in 1964, I was one of the youngest journalists on staff. I worked for editors Maxwell Newton, Adrian Deamer and Walter Kommer. I covered education and immigration, and wrote a fortnightly column on social issues: conscription, the Vietnam War, civil liberties, racism, policing, and the White Australia policy. I also wrote about women, often: about marriage, sex education, abortion, unequal pay, childbirth, childcare and all the issues attitudes and structures that constrained us. In this article, I tell some stories from those years, and reflect on the editorial attitudes I encountered.


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