scholarly journals Geographical Change of the Japanese National Land in the 200 Years Using INŌ’s Map with GIS

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 1-2
Author(s):  
Yuji Murayama ◽  
Yuki Iwai

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> This presentation discusses the regional changes quantitatively in the 200 years through the overlay analysis of the present map and the INŌ’s map made by Tadataka INO in 1821 (Figure 1). INO surveyed the coastline and major roads on foot. He investigated not only survey lines, but also various geographic information such as rivers, lakes, mountains, village names, castles, temples, administrative boundaries, etc. Visualizing all of the 214 sheets of the INŌ’s large-scale map with Geographic Information Systems (GIS), we can analyse the national land condition seamlessly at the end of the Edo era.</p><p>Methodological point of view, we have serious problems including the scale, projection, identification of geographic features and so on, when we compare the old map with the present. In this connection, digitalizing the INŌ’s map as the GIS data is very useful to examine the spatial transformation scientifically during the 200 years. The digital INŌ’s map was constructed by employing the geo-reference function of GIS with the triangulation method. The survey line was converted into the line feature of vector data, and the place names were converted into the point feature of raster data. The distance of the survey line was measured by GIS-based geometric operation.</p><p>We obtained the following findings. The distributions of villages, ports, and facilities in western Japan were denser than those in eastern Japan in the 19th century. This was caused not only by the difference in natural environment and landform but also by socioeconomic factors including the locations of the castle towns and industrial activities. The regional structure has been dramatically transformed by the modernization of the political system, transportation system, and industrial development in reclaimed areas (Figure 2). It is concluded that most parts of changes in regional characteristics have been attained by overcoming the natural constraints. However, the difference in the political system has also been influential to the formation of the present regional system.</p>

Author(s):  
Angela Dranishnikova

In the article, the author reflects the existing problems of the fight against corruption in the Russian Federation. He focuses on the opacity of the work of state bodies, leading to an increase in bribery and corruption. The topic we have chosen is socially exciting in our days, since its significance is growing on a large scale at all levels of the investigated aspect of our modern life. Democratic institutions are being jeopardized, the difference in the position of social strata of society in society’s access to material goods is growing, and the state of society is suffering from the moral point of view, citizens are losing confidence in the government, and in the top officials of the state.


Morphology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rossella Varvara ◽  
Gabriella Lapesa ◽  
Sebastian Padó

AbstractWe present the results of a large-scale corpus-based comparison of two German event nominalization patterns: deverbal nouns in -ung (e.g., die Evaluierung, ‘the evaluation’) and nominal infinitives (e.g., das Evaluieren, ‘the evaluating’). Among the many available event nominalization patterns for German, we selected these two because they are both highly productive and challenging from the semantic point of view. Both patterns are known to keep a tight relation with the event denoted by the base verb, but with different nuances. Our study targets a better understanding of the differences in their semantic import.The key notion of our comparison is that of semantic transparency, and we propose a usage-based characterization of the relationship between derived nominals and their bases. Using methods from distributional semantics, we bring to bear two concrete measures of transparency which highlight different nuances: the first one, cosine, detects nominalizations which are semantically similar to their bases; the second one, distributional inclusion, detects nominalizations which are used in a subset of the contexts of the base verb. We find that only the inclusion measure helps in characterizing the difference between the two types of nominalizations, in relation with the traditionally considered variable of relative frequency (Hay, 2001). Finally, the distributional analysis allows us to frame our comparison in the broader coordinates of the inflection vs. derivation cline.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-124
Author(s):  
T. G. Korneeva

The article represents the views of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), the leader of the Islamic revolution in Iran, on Islam as the basis of the political system. Imam Khomeini believed that Islam should not be considered only as a set of prescriptions or as a kind of philosophical system. In his work “Vilayat-i fakih. Hokumat-i Islami ” (“Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist”) Khomeini substantiates the need for the formation of a state based on Sharia law. The ideas of the Ayatollah were not completely new to Shii political doctrine. The olitical views of Ayatollah Khomeini formed under a great infl uence of a situation in Iran in the XX cent. The author analyzes the Khomeini’s views on politics and his concept of “vilayat-i fakih”. From Ayatollah Khomeini’s point of view, we can’t imagine Islam apart from politics, otherwise Islam will be incomplete. Personal self-improvement also depends on the fullness of religion, and therefore Muslims need an Islamic state to fully keep the Sharia law. The analysis of the views of Imam Khomeini is based on the original treatise in Persian.


2018 ◽  
pp. 162-187
Author(s):  
Insa Lee Koch

Chapter 6 examines what grassroots mechanisms estate residents have at their disposal to make their voices heard. Private–public partnerships and civic initiatives that address problems of disorder and crime abound on Britain’s post-industrial housing estates. The chapter argues that official expectations of ‘active citizenship’ do not fit with residents’ own understandings of grassroots activism and change. As the daily work of both community activists and locally based politicians shows, good governance from residents’ point of view is about bringing policies in line with their daily struggles for security and survival. And yet, this alternative politics—referred to as a ‘bread and butter politics’—is also vulnerable to being silenced by officials who see it as evidence of petty, even corrupt behaviour. In the absence of adequate institutional and political mechanisms that can capture people’s demands, a ‘bread and butter politics’ not only reinforces deep-seated feelings of disenchantment with the political system but also fails to translate into an agenda for sustainable change.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 1641-1656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Volkmann

It is a long-established commonplace in any debate on immigration that immigrants should integrate into their receiving society. But integrate into what precisely? Into the labor market, into the legal order, into the political system, into a national culture whatever this might comprise? The Article tries to approach the question from the legal point of view and looks for hints or clues in the constitution which might help us with the answer. For this purpose, it explores the general theory of the constitution as it has been shaped by its professional interpreters as well as by political actors, the media and the public. The main intuition is that “constitution” is not only a written document, a text with a predefined, though maybe hidden meaning; instead, it is a social practice evolving over time and thereby reflecting the shared convictions of a political community of what is just and right. Talking about constitutional expectations toward immigrants then also tells us something about ourselves: about who we are and what kind of community we want to live in. As it turns out, we may not have a very clear idea of that.


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (5) ◽  
pp. 729-743 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jürgen Habermas

Abstract Ever since Hegel made poignant the difference between morality and ethical life (“Sittlichkeit”), philosophical discourse in the traditions that developed subsequently, up to and including the Frankfurt school, has oscillated between those poles. This paper starts out with a short exposition of autonomy as one of the few large-scale innovations in the history of philosophy and then proceeds to discuss Hegel’s concept of “Sittlichkeit” and the objections to be raised against it from a Kantian point of view. Political theory, however, has to move beyond pure normativism and consider actual social relations of power, as Marx disclosed. Mapping out this winding trajectory from Kant to Marx provides some perspective that may be illuminating for challenging present-day issues.


2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lubomír Kopeček ◽  
Jan Petrov

The Czech Constitutional Court has gained a strong position within the political system. This article examines the judicial review of legislation from the point of view of the relation between the court and the parliament. The authors analyze trends in the use of petitions proposing the annulment of statutes, who makes use of the petitions, how successful the petitioners are, and what issues the petitions concern. The article pairs a quantitative view with a qualitative analysis of key selected decisions by the court, especially in the sphere of mega-politics. The authors test whether judicial review of legislation serves as a tool for parliamentary opposition. The results show the decisive effects of a legislative majority in the lower house of the parliament. If the government lacks a majority, the use of judicial review of legislation as an oppositional tool fades. Also important is the weakness of the upper house, which makes senators more likely to resort to using judicial review of legislation. An especially crucial factor is the presence of independent and semi-independent senators who, without broader political backing, see judicial review of legislation as a welcome tool. The most frequent topics of the petitions were transitional justice, social policy, and the legislative process.


Author(s):  
D.A. Davydov

The idea of the post-capitalist society has long been associated with the “grassroots” struggle of the exploited classes for the society that is free from all forms of domination and exploitation. D.Davydov does not consider this approach scientific and proposes one should change the lens of research and focus on what is happening at the level of the elites, where the new world is slowly maturing and new relationships are often intertwined with the old ones. The article is devoted to the justification of the argument, according to which the development of the post-capitalist social relations has been going on for a relatively long time — as the rise of people who “possess a personality” (personaliat). The author demonstrates that the unfol ding processes can be explained by the deep economic changes — the transformation of creativity into the predominant source of consumer values. The author elabo rates the idea that the essence of the knowledge economy is not capitalist or even is anti-capitalist, but at the same time he suggests that it is the nature of social relations around creative activity that should be consi dered rather than creative activity per se. From his point of view, despite the fact that the consequences of such activities complicate the functioning of the capitalist economy, the demise of the old economy does not mean that somewhere beyond the horizon we will have a cloudless non-antagonistic future. It is much more relevant to view post-capitalist transformation as the gradual rise to dominance of those who possess power over public attention. The author starts the article with a brief “history of personality” and after that demonstrates how the depersonalized world was gradually “colo nized” by creative public figures. According to his conclusion, today we witness a large-scale transformation of the Political, which is associated with the trend that representatives of personaliat assumed roles of key actors in the political process. Power is transferred from those with money to those with persona lity. However, this shift in itself hardly guarantees the establishment of an egalitarian social order that has overcome all forms of alienation and inequality. Moreover, at the moment such prospect looks doubtful.


2018 ◽  
pp. 49-68
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bielawska

The paper presents the political system of the Greek poleis between the 8th century BC and 2nd century AD. It analyzes the standpoints of ancient thinkers and poets from the point of view of the development of studies on the state, the manner of its description, the approach to its tasks and the limitations imposed on the state, as well as how political systems were defined, perceived and transformed, aiming towards democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 105 (5) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Timoshenkova ◽  

The article is a study of the political phenomenon of German Chancellor A. Merkel, her special style of governance, objective factors and personal qualities that contributed to the construction of a long and successful career. The author analyzes in detail the period of governmental coalitions of the CDU/CSU with the SPD (2005‒2009) and the FDP (2009‒2013). It was the experience that had the greatest influence on the shaping of her image as a first female Chancellor of Germany. The theory of the difference between women's leadership and men's leadership is used in this paper. Through the prism of this theory we analyze the ways of struggle for leadership. The beginning of Merkel's career and the period of her ministerial activity were characterized by a harsh treatment of her rivals. Later she learned to do it in a softer way. The image of a consensual, supraparty leader, who knows how to find a compromise, is the result of Merkel's conscious work on herself. The need to be chancellor of a “grand coalition” and to cooperate with the SPD, an almost equal partner in terms of strength, contributed greatly to such a leadership style. The second legislative period helped A. Merkel to acquire the qualities of a “crisis manager”. In the conclusion of the article it is concluded that the basis of A. Merkel's political survival was the ability to learn quickly and adapt during various difficulties. From this point of view, the Frau Chancellor's main “teacher” was her first rival, the Social Democrat H. Schroeder. It was his political fate that allowed Merkel to come to a conclusion about the need to combine the post of chancellor and party leadership, which allowed her to stay in power for 16 years.


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