scholarly journals Freedom of the Media in Sri Lanka: A Study

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-24
Author(s):  
S. Sribreindranis ◽  
P. Govinduraju

Media freedom has never been consistent in Sri Lanka. Different regimes used legal and constitutional means to control the media from public debates and criticisms. The Constitution of Sri Lanka does not specifically mention the freedom of the media. Freedom of the Media is implied from the Article 14(1) (a) of the Constitution. However this right is subject to restrictions under sub-clause, whereby this freedom can be restricted for reasons of sovereignty and integrity of Sri Lanka, the security of the Country, Parliamentary privileges, public order, Emergency Regulations, relation to contempt of court, defamation, or incitement to an offense and Official Secrets Acts. As per the Press Council, the freedom of the journalist is an ordinary part of the freedom of the subjects and to whatever length, the subject in general may go, so also may the journalist, but apart from statute this privilege is no other and no higher. The range of his assertions, his criticisms or his comments is as wide as and no wider than that of any other subject. The Preamble of the Sri Lankan Constitution ensures to all its citizens the liberty of expression. Freedom of the media has been included as part of freedom of speech and expression under the Article 14 of the UDHR. The heart of the Article14 says that everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression, this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. In view of the above, Right of Information Act 2016 is a milestone in the guest for building an informed and prosperous society .As this overview of Sri Lankan media Laws show, their social media enjoy a wide range of legal rights. This study focuses on Judgments of the cases on Joseph Perera v Attorney General, Visuvalingam v Liyanage and Fernando v Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation were delivered under the 1972 Republican Constitution, they continued to remain valid precedents even under the Current Constitution of 1978. It was an Important and far – reaching Judgment. This paper is a critical analysis of the Sri Lankan concept of Freedom of the media and how it is related to the concept of expression in Constitution of Sri Lanka. The judicial view in this context has also been studied.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (XX) ◽  
pp. 19-44
Author(s):  
Michał Kaczmarczyk

The concept of freedom of the press is closely linked to freedom of expression. Freedom of the media is an instrument of free speech and is derived from the freedom of expression, independence of thought, opinion, ideas and judgement. Freedom of the media is possible only if the state ensures real independence of expression, access to reliable information, freedom of publication and publishing. Respecting media freedom through non-interference by public auReceived thorities is an important part of the European standard of democracy, and is aligned with the essence of the liberal democratic regime. Ireland has a diversified market of newspapers and magazines, created by private entities, operating on the basis of well-developed guarantees of freedom of establishment that are deeply rooted in the Irish legal tradition. Freedom of speech, which is also enjoyed by the media, is enshrined in the Constitution, and appropriate institutions have been established to protect it, defending the right of the media to obtain and disseminate information, but also to safeguard the principles of law and ethics in journalism, combining the right of the press to express opinions and freely describe reality with the right of the beneficiaries of this activity (readers) to obtain information that is reliable, true, honest and credible. This article attempts to characterize the legal basis of press freedom in Ireland (both domestic and international) and to describe the institutions that uphold this freedom, ensuring that the media system functions properly as one of the subsystems of the social system.


1996 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Post-Courier
Keyword(s):  

"Three months ago, Archbishop Sir Peter Kurongku delivered an address to the media freedom seminar on the subject of accountability. In his address, he emphasised that the media had responsibility to find and publish the truth. This, he said, was a responsibility placed upon media owners, managers and staff to carry out their duties 'in the service of the community."


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Henning Melber

With issue No 1/2013, this journal changed in several respects. Under a new editor-in-chief, the Strategic Review for Southern Africa, then published for 35 years, turned into an open access journal with a redesigned look. But the makeoveraimed at more than merely cosmetic changes. As outlined in the introduction of that issue, the changing context both in South Africa as well as globally, motivated a conceptual re-positioning, that also modified the subject-related thematic framework1).  Since then, thanks to many contributors offering a wide range of topicalanalyses, we hopefully managed to live up to at least some of the expectations created. After five years, it is now time to hand editorial responsibility to a new generation of scholars groomed in the spirit of democratic South Africa. This, therefore, is the last issue for me as the editor-in-chief. While I welcomed the privilege to lead the journal towards implementing a modified agenda, I now welcome the opportunity to move out of the way and pursue other tasks. I thank all those in the editorial group and the advisory board who accompanied and supported me during the last years. I am especially grateful to Maxi Schoeman, who felt I would be the right choice for this task. Special thanks go also to Wilma Martin, without her assistance none of the last eleven issues would have become a reality.


Author(s):  
Maria Liz Crespo ◽  
Andres Cicuttin ◽  
Julio Daniel Dondo Gazzano ◽  
Fernando Rincon Calle

In this chapter we will show how modern FPGA offers the possibility of implementing Reconfigurable Virtual Instrumentation, a new kind of electronic instrumentation which generates interesting opportunities for regular users but that also poses several technical challenges for advanced users and instrument developers. We will analyze some of the main problems and we will give some ideas and possible strategies to deal with them. In order to put the subject in the right context we will review some general concepts regarding instrumentation in general and we later proceed with some more specific concepts and definitions. The chapter also describes two hardware/software platforms for science and high-education developed at the International Centre for Theoretical Physics (ICTP) where the concept of RVI proposed in this chapter was applied. Although we mainly adopt a scientist's prospective to define and analyze instrumentation, most of the conclusions drawn along this chapter can be easily generalized for a wide range of applications in commercial or industrial sectors.


Author(s):  
Barbara Bogusz ◽  
Roger Sexton

Titles in the Complete series combine extracts from a wide range of primary materials with clear explanatory text to provide readers with a complete introductory resource. This chapter discusses the characteristics of an easement: there must be a dominant and a servient tenement; the easement must accommodate the dominant tenement; the easement must be owned or occupied by different people; and an easement must be capable of forming the subject matter of a grant. All four characteristics must exist for a right claimed to be an easement. If any one of those is missing then the right is not an easement.


Race & Class ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-71
Author(s):  
Campaign For Social Democracy

While a stalemate in the predominantly Tamil North and East of Sri Lanka continues despite Indian intervention on the government's behalf, in the Sinhala South death squads associated with the pseudo People's Liberation Front, the JVP, have been ruthlessly eliminating its opponents. The United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), having created and nurtured popular racism for over thirty years in order to get into power (through a ready-made Sinhalese majority of 70 per cent of the population), * would now like to draw back from the brink of another crippling civil war, this time in the South. But they are unable to do so because the JVP has taken up the Sinhala cause and pushed it to the point of social fascism through assassination and murder. Popular racism based on Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism promoted in the schools and expressed in song, textbook and media served to fuel the anti-Tamil pogroms of 1958, 1977, 1981 and 1983, in which thousands were killed at the hands of street mobs. Some of the most violently anti- Tamil propaganda (deriving inspiration from mythical Sinhalese history) has emanated from the present government. Colonisation of Tamil areas by Sinhalese was justified on the pretext of protecting ancient Buddhist shrines. And it is an open secret that ministers hired their own hit squads in the 1983 pogrom. When, in a bid to end the unwinnable war with the Tamils, the UNP signed the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, allowing Indian troops to operate on Sri Lankan soil, it alienated the very Sinhala nationalists it had itself fostered. And it was the JVP which capitalised on the resentment over India's interference in Sri Lanka's internal affairs. Accusing the UNP government (and other supporters of the Accord) of treachery, it enlarged and deepened popular racism into fanatical patriotism. But what has given the JVP terror tactics a hold over the population has been the steady erosion of democratic freedoms, on the one hand, and the self-abasement of the Left, on the other. Both the SLFP and UNP governments have postponed elections to stay in power, but the UNP went further and got itself re-elected en bloc on a phoney referendum to postpone elections. Local elections were never held under the SLFP and whatever elections took place under the UNP have either been rigged and/or carried out under conditions of massive intimidation. In the process, the political literacy that the country once boasted has been lost to the people and, with it, their will to resist. At the same time the collaborationist politics of the Left in the SLFP government of 1970-77 have not only served to decimate its own chances at the polls (it obtained not a single seat in the election of 1977) but also to leave the working-class movement defenceless. So that it was a simple matter for the UNP government to crush the general strike of 1980, imprison its leaders and throw 80, 000 workers permanently out of work. And it has been left to the JVP to pretend to take up the socialist mantle of the Left even as it devotes itself to the racist cause of the Right, and so win the support of the Sinhala-Buddhist people. In the final analysis the choice before the country is that of two terrors: that of the state or that of the JVP. Below we publish an analysis of the situation as at October 1988, put out by the underground Campaign for Social Democracy in the run up to the presidential elections.


2005 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 677-698
Author(s):  
Marie Choquette

Legal rights protected under sections 8, 9 and 10 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms are the subject of this article. Section 8 affords protection against unreasonable search or seizure; there was no similar provision under the Canadian Bill of Rights. Authorized searches and seizures by warrant will be considered unreasonable whenever minimal standards laid down in section 443 of the Criminal Code have not been respected. Furthermore, searches or seizures without warrant will be judged unreasonable if they do not conform to the legal provisions under which they are authorized. Section 9 protects against arbitrary detention or imprisonment. Some judges deem detention to be arbitrary if it is not authorized under statute, while others feel that detention is arbitrary whether authorized by statute or not if it be capricious or unreasonable. Finally, section 10 provides for certain rights to a person who is arrested or detained, such as the right to be informed of the reasons for arrest or detention, the right to be informed of his or her right to retain and instruct counsel and the right to do so, and the right to have the validity of the detention ascertained.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-115
Author(s):  
Tri Oka Akram

This research aims to produce effective and practical learning media. To achieve this goal, the authors establish the press using a research method of development with steps: (1) analysis, (2) design, (3) development, (4) implementation, (5) evaluation. The subject in this study is the participant Students at SMA N 1 Bandar Lampung with “data collection instruments used in the form of” polls provided to the material “experts, media experts,” test and effectiveness tests. The results of this study resulted in a media-shaped Video learning product; Knowing the feasibility of the quality of the developed product “is very feasible with a” score of 3.66 based on material “expert assessment” and 3.66 by the media expert in a very decent category. Student response in Math Learning media with Sparkol video scribe in trigonometric material obtained score 3.33 in MIPA 4 and 3.36 class in MIPA 5 with very interesting criteria in small class test. In the massive class test obtained the score 3.43 in grade MIPA 4 3.41 with fascinating measures. On the effectiveness test of learning video obtained calculation results using effect size 0.54 with moderate criteria can be concluded that there is a significant increase in learning outcomes.   Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk dapat menghasilkan media pembelajaran yang efektif dan praktis. langkah-langkah yang dilakukan untuk mencapainya tujuan pembelajaran tersebut peneliti mengunggnakan metode penelitian ADDIE yaitu“(1) analysis, (2) design, (3) development, (4) implementation, (5) evaluation .”Adapun pada“penelitian ini”peserta didik SMA N 1 Bandar Lampung mejadi subjek pada penelitian, teknik“pengumpulan data yang digunakan”dengan menyebarkan instrument berupa“angket yang diberikan”pada“ahli materi, ahli media,”uji kemenarikan dan uji keefektifan. Video sebagai media pembelajaran yang dihasilkan dalam pengembangan yang dilakukan peneliti. “Mengetahui kelayakan dari kualitas produk yang dikembangkan adalah sangat layak dengan skor 3,66 berdasarkan penilaian ahli materi dan 3,66 oleh ahli media dalam katagori sangat layak. Respon peserta didik dalam media pembelajaran matematika berbantuan sparkol videoscribe pada materi Trigonometri diperoleh skor 3,33 dikelas MIPA 4 dan 3,36 dikelas MIPA 5 dengan kriteria sangat menarik pada uji kelas kecil.”pada uji kelas besar diperoleh skor 3,43 dikelas MIPA 4 3,41 dengan kriteria sangat menarik. Pada uji keefektifitasan video pembelajaran“diperoleh hasil perhitungan menggunakan effect size 0,54 dengan kriteria sedang, sehingga media tersebut layak dan dapat digunakan pada saat proses pembelajaran dengan menghasilkan peningkatan keefektifan yang signifikan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-275
Author(s):  
Marina А. Klinova

Introduction. For a significant historical period, an integral part of the Soviet social realities was the state internal loans, so the problems of studying the ideological and propaganda tools of their implementation is an actual area of research. Materials and Methods. The methodological basis of the research is the modernization historical paradigm. The source basis of the research was the texts of government resolutions concerning the subject of loans, statistical materials, publications of the Soviet press of various levels (magazines, central, regional, factory newspapers). To achieve the objectives of the study, a qualitative and quantitative method (content analysis) was used, which allows us to identify the quantitative expression of individual lexical units in the texts of government resolutions and press materials. Results and Discussion. The paper analyzes the texts of government resolutions concerning post-war government loans (winning and subscription-based), analyzes the information campaigns in the print media that accompany the issuance of loans. It was revealed that the declared winnings of citizens on loans (the amount, the number of winners) it decreased during the study period. The intensity of propaganda campaigns in the press concerning mass loans, as well as the intensity of advertising support for winning loans by the media, decreased. Conclusion. The revealed tendency to weaken the material incentives for subscribing to loans (winnings), as well as the intensity of the propaganda campaigns, indicates the gradual abandonment of the authorities in the mid-1950s of mobilization tools in the implementation of socio-economic policy.


Author(s):  
Mariana Komarytsia

In the article we analyze the press publications that covered the process of realizing the idea of consolidation and its theoretical reasoning in the journals of 1918—1919 in UNR and Ukrainian State. The subject of the research is newspaper materials of such press editions as «Nova Rada» (Kyiv, 1917—1919), «Kozatska Dumka» (Berdychiv, 1917), «Vidrodzennia» (Kiev, 1918), «Vistnyk Ukrainskoi Narodnoi Respubliky » (Kyiv, Vinnytsia, Kamianets-Podilsky, 1918—1919), «Respublikanski Visty» (Vinnytsia, 1918—1919), «Respublikanski Visty» (Kharkiv, 1918), «Zhyttia Podillia» (Kamianets-Podilsky, 1918—1919), «Kievskii Kommunist» (1918—1919) and others. Analysis of publications about consolidation reveals a wide range of factors that influenced the Act of Union on January 22, 1919 — historical, mental, ideological, political and informational. At the same time it reveals the inconsistency policy of the leaders of the Ukrainian Central Rada, in particular Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, of promoting the idea of the federation (which was de facto in opposition to the idea of consolidation). We have made comparative parallels of understanding the process of unification among Galician and Dnieper Ukrainians, taking into account the fact of the presence of Ukrainian lands within different empires — Russian and Austro-Hungarian, related to this fact internal contradictions among the Ukrainian political elite, open armed aggression against Ukraine. The repressions of the Russian authorities led to the destruction of the nationally-oriented Ukrainian political elite, whose numerous representatives did not know their native language. Additionally, the influence of socialist ideology caused the priority of social demands against national ones. Representatives of the Galicians, released after the revolution from the Siberian camps, have joined the government, administrative and educational institutions of Ukraine. The opponents of consolidation were the Bolsheviks, who saw the prospects of unification only under the red flag. In the journals were published texts of documents, described the process of the celebration on January 22, 1919, abstracts of V. Vynnychenko`s, S. Petliura`s, L. Tsehelsky`s and V. Olesnitsky`s speeches, published mottos for the necessity of the unity of the nation. Keywords: consolidation, Act of Union, federation, UNR, ZUNR, ukrainian press of 1918—1919.


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