scholarly journals THE JOURNAL CADERNOS BRASILEIROS AND THE CONGRESS FOR CULTURAL FREEDOM, 1959-1970

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcelo Ridenti
Keyword(s):  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Congress For Cultural Freedom ◽  
Cultural Freedom ◽  
The Military ◽  
Opening Up ◽  
Brazilian Journal

Abstract The article reconstructs and analyses the links between the journal Cadernos Brasileiros and the Congress for Cultural Freedom, which involved a relation of both dependency and relative autonomy, between 1959 and 1970. Despite both institutions claiming to be liberal and anti-communist, they did not always fully coincide in their response to decisive historical events of the period, such as the 1964 military coup in Brazil, collaboration with the military regime and resistance to it. The intellectuals involved with the Brazilian journal were active in the ongoing social struggles, shifting from strong anti-communist positions, favourable to what they called the '1964 revolution,' to the later formulation of criticism of the military regime, opening up the journal to collaboration of social scientists considered left-wing, without losing the opportunity to accommodate the demands of the regime in power.

Introductory Aspects on Human Rights Violations Suffered by Indigenous Peoples during the Period of Brazilian Civil-Military Dictatorship

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luane Flores Chuquel
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Deductive Method ◽  
The Face ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The Military

This current work studies the human rights violations suffered by indigenous peoples during the period of the Brazilian CivilMilitary Dictatorship. Likewise, it makes some notes about the beginning of the violations in a moment before this dark period. On this path, even before the Military Coup was launched in the year 1964 (one thousand nine hundred and sixty-four), the Indians were already experiencing constant usurpations of their rights at the expense of irresponsibilities commanded most of the time, by those who should watch over their rights lives. As will be seen, the violation and disrespect for Human Rights in the face of these peoples ended up becoming common and gaining strength mainly in the beginning of the implementation of the military regime. Negligent attempts at acculturation and "emancipation", in addition to inconsequential contacts with isolated peoples, culminated in the destruction and predatory logging of their lands. Missing processes of terribly violating demarcations of indigenous areas promoted the expulsion of countless peoples, causing the Indians to fall into a life totally surrounded by hunger, begging, alcoholism and prostitution. All in the name of the so-called “economic advance”, which aimed at building roads, in what was called “occupation of the Amazon”? As frequently stated by the authorities at the time, the Amazon rainforest was seen and understood as a “population void” by the Military Government. According to this thought idealized by the disgusting dictators and supporters, it will be observed that the cases of violations of Human Rights have been systematically “legalized”. The life, land and culture of indigenous peoples were left in the background. Depending on this brief narrative developed through documentary research, based on a hypothetical-deductive method, the intention is to rescue the martyrdoms of that time, demonstrating what actually happened to indigenous peoples during the Military Regime, in the simplest attempt to remember or even disclose to those who are unaware of this part of history. All that said, don't you forget. So that it never happens again.

Epilogue

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Barr-Melej
Keyword(s):  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Augusto Pinochet Ugarte ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
The Military

The epilogue briefly pushes the book’s discussion forward in time, into 1974, when countercultural youths faced very different conditions put upon them by a military regime whose leaders were familiar with anticounterculture discourses, especially those of the Allende years. Upon the military coup (led by General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte) that ended Allende’s presidency and democracy in September 1973, matters turned from troublesome to dismal for many hippies (including Jorge Gómez), Siloists, and countercultural youths in general as the dictatorship forcefully imposed its notion about youth, discipline, and culture.

The Economic Performance of Military Regimes: A Cross-National Aggregate Study

1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. D. McKinlay ◽  
A. S. Cohan
Keyword(s):  
Low Income ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Systematic Research ◽  
Common Phenomenon ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
The World ◽  
The Military ◽  
Cross National

The military regime has now become a common phenomenon throughout the world. Research on the military in low-income systems used to focus on the military coup rather than on the military regime, but in recent years this imbalance has lessened. Moreover, many of the old ‘standard findings’ about military regimes have come to be rejected. It is fitting that they should have been since they tended to be the products more of stereotyping and inadequate theorizing than of systematic research.

The Brazilian Military Regime, 1964–1985

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Napolitano
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Capitalist Development ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Groups

Since its establishment in 1889, the history of the Brazilian republic was marked by the centrality of the armed forces, particularly the army, in political life. But between 1964 and 1985, the military was in direct command of the state, imposing indirectly elected generals as president. After overthrowing the reformist center-left government of João Goulart on March 31, 1964, the military installed a tutelary authoritarian regime to control civil society and the political system, serving as a political model for similar regimes in Latin America during the Cold War. The military passed arbitrary laws and severely repressed left-wing political groups and social movements while also seeking to accelerate capitalist development and the “national integration” of Brazil’s vast territory. They intended to modernize Brazilian industry and carry out bold infrastructure projects. On the other hand, they faced strong opposition from civil society, led by political groups, artists, intellectuals, and press outlets of diverse ideological backgrounds (Marxists, liberals, socialists, and progressive Catholics). These groups were divided between total refusal to negotiate with the military and critical adherence to the policies of the generals’ governments, composing a complex relationship between society and the state. Understanding the role of the military regime in Brazilian history requires a combination of historical research and historiographic criticism in light of the disputes over memory that continue to divide social and political actors.

The Turkish army at the turn of the 1960s and 1970s: from left-wing conspiracy to right-wing coup

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-221
Author(s):  
Malika Sh. Tovsultanova ◽  
Rustam A. Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia N. Galimova
Keyword(s):  
Military Coup ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Socialist System ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military ◽  
Turkish Society

This is the first paper in Russian historiography dedicated to the struggle of left and right groups in the Turkish army on the eve of a military coup on March 12, 1971. By 1970, an alliance of leftist intellectuals and officers was formed, led by the editor of the Devrim newspaper, Dogan Avjioglu and one of the organizers of the 1960 coup, a retired lieutenant general Jemal Madanoglu, received the conditional name of the organization of national revolutionaries. The members of the organization sought to approve the socialist system of the bassist type in the country and outlined the number of military coups March 9, 1971. However, the death of one and the opportunist position of two other leaders of the military wing led to the failure of the attempt of a leftist coup. On the contrary, on March 12, 1971, a right-wing military coup took place in Turkey. In the course of subsequent repressions, a powerful blow was dealt to the left groups in the army and in Turkish society as a whole. In an effort to end the repression and achieve consensus in society, moderately leftist forces led by B. Ejevit entered into a coalition with their opponents religious conservatives led by N. Erbakan.

Social sciences in Uruguay

2005 ◽  
Vol 44 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 473-520
Author(s):  
Gerónimo de Sierra
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Labor Market ◽  
University Education ◽  
Sociopolitical Development ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Independent Research ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
The Social ◽  
Institutional Status ◽  
The Military

In Uruguay, the development and institutionalization of the social sciences have been relatively delayed compared to other countries of the region. This fact contrasts with the socio-economic and sociopolitical development of the country, as well as with that of the professional branches of university education. The so-called formal foundational process of the social sciences effectively began in the 1970s, especially in history, economics and sociology. Political science and anthropology began to take shape only after the return to democracy in 1985. The military coup (1973-85) caused an interruption in the institutional status of the social sciences but did not entirely dismantle them. These sciences continued to develop in independent research centers, often receiving external funds. The exchange with foreign academic centers, especially the CLACSO and FLACSO nets, was germane to the process. With the return of democracy, the institutionalization process of the social sciences resumed and the link between the pre-dictatorship and post-dictatorship generations in these fields became more apparent. Simultaneously, the labor market for social scientists broadened and diversified.

scholarly journals A Look at Yuri Bondarev in Turkey from Past to Present

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-292
Author(s):  
Badegül Can Emir ◽  
◽  
Hanife Saraç ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Short Stories ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Russian Literature ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Important Place ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Successful Author ◽  
The Military

Yuri Vasilyevich Bondarev is one of the well-known names of 20th century Russian literature, and he is one Russian writer familiar to Turkish readers. A successful author of war prose, Bondarev attracted the attention of the Turkish audience with a wide range of literary works which includes novels, novellas, short stories, poems, articles, essays, interviews, etc. In this respect, the years in which he produced writings on the universal theme of war have an important place in Turkish politics. Bondarev began to be published in Turkey during the politization process following the military coup (1980) and he continued to be present in Turkey until the day he died. Especially in the 80’s when he was adopted as a war prose writer he was a guide for left-wing people in the struggle after the events of September 12. It is worth noting that the recent significant increase of interest in Bondarev’s work among Turkish linguists and philologists indicates that he is popular with the Turkish reader no less than the recognized classics of Russian literature. In this article, Bondarev’s position in Turkey from past to present will be analyzed in view of the studies on him in Turkish press and literature, and it will be emphasized that the author engrossed the Turkish reader with his artistic expertise and the ideology relayed through his works.

scholarly journals O REGIME MILITAR, OS DIREITOS HUMANOS E A IGREJA (1972-1986) * THE MILITARY REGIME, HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE CHURCH (1972-1986)

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Egberto Pereira Dos Reis ◽  
José Carlos Rothen
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Catholic Church

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> O presente artigo tem como finalidade abordar a postura da Igreja Católica, diante do regime militar e dos direitos humanos. A nossa pesquisa tem como fonte principal a Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira (REB) no período entre 1972 a 1986. Inicialmente a Igreja apoia o golpe cívico/militar e depois parte dela denuncia as violações de direitos humanos por parte do regime. Assim, identificamos tendências conservadoras e progressistas na instituição eclesial, travando guerras de posição segundo a concepção de Gramsci.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chaves:</strong> Regime militar; Igreja; Direitos humanos; Teologia da Libertação.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This article has purpose to approach the position of the Catholic Church, before the military regime and human rights. Our research has as its main source Revista Brasileira Ecclesiastical (REB) in the period from 1972 to 1986. Initially the Church supports the civic/military coup and then part of it denounces human rights violations by the regime. Thus, we identified conservative and progressive trends in the ecclesial institution, locking position of wars according to the conception of Gramsci.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Military regime; Church; Human Rights; Libertation Theology.</p>

An Indonesian Islam?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carool Kersten
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Military ◽  
Opening Up

The history of postcolonial Indonesia can therefore be divided into three periods, dominated by different regimes with its own characteristics, during which Islamisation process has continued to evolve. The Sukarno presidency (1945-1965) marks the first period, during which Mayumi established itself as the main Islamic political party. It began with decade of continuing nation building when the young republic was first engaged in armed conflict with the Dutch; experimented with liberal democracy; but then shifted toward ‘Guided Democracy’ and the disbanding of Masyumi. During the same twenty-year period, the unity of Indonesia was also challenged by the Islamist Darul Islam movement. A military coup in 1965 heralded the beginning of the military New Order Regime of General Suharto (1965-1998). Political Islam was kept control and occasionally manipulating it for its own purposes. From the 1970s onward, New Order did make some allowances for Muslim participation in governance, initiating further use of Islam for political purposes between 1983—1993. After the dramatic regime change in 1998, the democratisation process that started in 1999 saw an unprecedented opening-up of the public sphere. This change in Indonesia’s political climate offered new opportunities for socio-political activism across the Islamic spectrum, but also presented a new set of challenges for the world’s largest Muslim nation state. Islamic mass organisations, newly formed political parties, NGOs, think tanks and other platforms began presenting a range of competing Islamic discourses.

Far right may gain political space in Brazil

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Lgbt Rights ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Clout ◽  
The Military

Subject The rise of far-right support. Significance The far right is a relative newcomer to Brazilian mainstream politics but is becoming a rising force in polls, street protests and social media. Since 2014, as corruption allegations enveloped the country’s then-governing Workers’ Party (PT), small street marches have called for the reinstatement of the military regime that ruled between 1964 and 1985 and ultra-conservative lawmaker Jair Bolsonaro has risen from being an obscure figure to a contender for the 2018 presidential election. Impacts Bolsonaro’s evangelical support may reduce the same groups' backing of environmentalist Marina Silva. Large parties will make uneasy alliances with ultra-conservative factions, leading to rising activism by left-wing movements. Socially conservative parties may succeed in leveraging their political clout to push for policies against abortion and LGBT rights.

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