scholarly journals A Theoretical Appraisal of Political Behavior: Actors, Processes and Consequences

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-60
Author(s):  
Hamd Ejaz

The study of political behavior constitutes a vast subject. Political behavior has many subjected to multiple paradigm shifts of research and the outcome has always been a formation of new theories which explain how the political behavior taking place at all levels of analysis- global, regional, and national and individual levels, has evolved. Political behavior has been sometimes oversimplified to include behavior which is related to legislation in one way or another. It is for this purpose, that this paper differentiates between ‘social’, ‘economic’ and ‘political’ behavior and points out how there can be multiple areas of convergences between all of them. Mostly, this paper presents the various modern theoretical precepts related to political behavior in a holistic manner so as to cover the topic by adopting a multi-disciplinary approach. Therefore, the subject in question, borrows concepts from a range of disciplines including political sociology and political psychology to explain how socialization is rooted in political culture and how it is transformed into ‘public will’- as quoted by Rousseau through the processes of voting. The paper will also seek to explain the possible degenerate forms of political behavior including political violence, genocide and political alienation.

Author(s):  
Nataliya M. Velikaya ◽  

Specifics of perception of political issues by Russian Youth and value grounds for their political behavior are analyzed in this article. The analysis is based on the sociological research data of 2018 and 2019. It is shown that political culture demonstrates the presence of mutually exclusive positions for a number of reasons. Low level of trust to the power practically do not correlate with evaluation of social-economic and political situation in Russia, do not provoke new forms of civil activity , what allows to make a conclusion about high degree of the political culture continuity, where group of nominal oppositionists demonstrating low level of trust to the power is not significant.


Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darryl Dale-Ferguson

AbstractThis paper uses Paul Ricœur’s analyses of ideology to argue for the mitigation of the possibility of political evil within the political paradox. In explicating the paradox, Ricœur seeks to hold in tension two basic aspects of politics: its benefits and its propensity to evil. This tension, however, should not be viewed as representative of a dualism. The evil of politics notwithstanding, Ricœur encourages us to view the political order as a deeply important part of our shared existence. By thinking past the distorting function of ideology to the legitimating and integrating functions that Ricœur calls more basic than distortion, a mode of thought that is often at the heart of political evil, ideology can be used to mitigate that very evil.Keywords: Ricœur, “The Political Paradox,” Ideology, Political Violence, Justice.RésuméCet article s’appuie sur les analyses ricœuriennes de l’idéologie dans le but de montrer que l’idéologie est susceptible de contribuer à une atténuation du mal politique inhérent au paradoxe politique. Dans son explicitation de ce paradoxe, Ricœur cherche à mettre en relation tensionnelle deux aspects fondamentaux de la politique: ses avantages et ses maux. Cependant, cette tension ne devrait pas être interprétée comme l’expression d’un dualisme. En dépit du mal inhérent au politique, Ricœur nous encourage à voir l’ordre politique comme une partie profondément importante de notre existence partagée. Si l’on régresse en-deçà de la fonction de distorsion de l’idéologie vers ses fonctions légitimantes et integratrices, c’est-à-dire vers ses fonctions les plus fondamentales, il apparaît en effet que l’idéologie, tout en étant souvent au cœur du mal politique, peut néanmoins être utilisée pour atténuer ce mal.Mots-clés: Ricœur, paradoxe politique, ideologie, violence politique, justice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Budi Rizka ◽  
Lismalinda ◽  
Adnan ◽  
Moriyanti ◽  
Faisal

Purpose of the study: The study aims are to investigate levels of language politeness and its violations in the political communication of Jokowi and Prabowo and to describe the types of politeness and its violations in political communication of Jokowi and Prabowo as Indonesian president candidates in 2019. Methodology: This research was used a qualitative approach with the descriptive method by paying attention to the Interactive Model theory to describe the object in analysis data through a pragmatic approach to identify the politeness principles and its violation following Leech’s (1983) theory. The subject of data on this research has conducted the utterances of Indonesian president candidates 2019 in the second debate session. Main Findings: The result of the study can be concluded that five principles of politeness seen in the utterances of the presidential candidate. They are tact, approbation, modesty, agreement, and sympathy maxim. Furthermore, in this research, Prabowo was more polite than Jokowi where he has produced utterances of approbation, agreement, and less violation of modesty, while Jokowi more violated the modesty maxim. Applications of this study: The study has an impact on political behavior. Other areas of study include social and political science and communication Novelty/Originality of this study: This research is the new way in the context of language politeness study where combined the language politeness principles with socio-political science especially political communication.


1978 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 563-592 ◽  
Author(s):  
David D. Laitin

A summary and reinterpretation of Weber's Sociology of Religion and The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism provides the framework within which four contemporary studies in political culture, which purport to be in the Weberian tradition, are examined. The framework distinguishes three levels of analysis in which “religion,” as a social fact, can be defined. The social, economic, or political consequences that can be attributed to religious adherence are different depending on the doctrine of the charismatic founder, the practical religion, or the practical religion of the converted. The author suggests a new, perhaps more fruitful agenda for research based on the methodological arguments of the paper.


1981 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven A. Hoffmann

The typical internal structure of factions in a particular culture strongly influences the ability of factions to resolve conflict among themselves. This hypothesis is verified by examination of faction structure in India as contrasted to that in Japan. The argument draws on material from the broad range of contemporary studies of Indian and Japanese party politics and some studies of their bureaucracies as well. The major implication of the findings is that the “political culture” concept can be given a sounder empirical base when related to overt political behavior than when viewed as a matter of political psychology.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (16) ◽  
pp. 31-51
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Piwnicki

It is recognized that politics is a part of social life, that is why it is also a part of culture. In this the political culture became in the second half of the twentieth century the subject of analyzes of the political scientists in the world and in Poland. In connection with this, political culture was perceived as a component of culture in the literal sense through the prism of all material and non-material creations of the social life. It has become an incentive to expand the definition of the political culture with such components as the political institutions and the system of socialization and political education. The aim of this was to strengthen the democratic political system by shifting from individual to general social elements.


1975 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Waterhouse

Historians have undertaken a number of specific investigations concerning the social, economic and geographic backgrounds, as well as their motives for emigrating, of those men and women who emigrated from England to Massachusetts, Virginia and Barbados during the course of the seventeenth century. While they have discussed the origins of the South Carolina charter, described the social and political status of the eight proprietors, dissected the Fundamental Constitutions, and examined the means by which the successful settlement of 1670 was organized, historians have neglected to explore the social backgrounds of those men who emigrated directly from England to South Carolina during the colony's initial decades of settlement. In contrast, not only the political but also the social and economic backgrounds of the Barbadian planters who colonized South Carolina have been the subject of a number of historical studies.


2000 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Jerry Z. Muller

German neoconservatism and its role in the political culture of the Federal Republic is largely uncharted scholarly territory. Especially for English-language historians and political scientists, its place on the historical map is marked, “Here lie monsters.” This article is intended not as a definitive treatment, but as a sketch suggesting the contours of the subject. It has become commonplace to regard 1968 as a pivotal year in the history of the Bundesrepublik. This article suggests that this may be true in a broader sense than is usually meant: that the significance of 1968 derives not only from the 68ers and their transformation of the political culture of the left, but also from the neoconservative reaction to the 68ers, which helped recast the political culture of the non-left. The article begins by exploring some of the difficulties in getting a conceptual and definitional handle on German neoconservatism. It then proceeds to examine in some depth the career and ideas of one of the most prominent German neoconservatives, Hermann Lübbe. Then the article discusses several key issues, events, and processes that defined neoconservatism, before touching briefly on the reasons for its dissolution as a coherent phenomenon and reflecting on its place in the history of the Bundesrepublik.


Author(s):  
Gabrielle S. Bardall

This article presents a conceptual orientation to the intersection of gender, politics, and violence. The first part of the article will introduce the subject by reviewing the primary conceptual framework and empirical knowledge on the topic to date and discussing the theoretical heritage of the concept. Establishing a key distinction between gender-motivated and gender differentiated violence, this article will discuss the gender dimensions of political violence and the political dimensions of gender-based violence. The latter half of the article reviews a number of the key questions driving research and dialogue in the field in the 21st century.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document