scholarly journals Preparing for Korea's Reunification

1995 ◽  
Vol 10 (0) ◽  
pp. 127-153
Author(s):  
Won-Hyuk Lim

Although the democratic revolution of 1989 in Eastern Europe was closely watched all around the world, it left a particularly strong impression on the people of the Republic of Korea (ROK, or South Korea). After watching Germans hammer away at the Berlin Wall on November 9, 1989, South Koreans came to believe that Korea's own reunification had to be just around the comer-- given the collapse of communism worldwide and increasing economic troubles under the oppressive regime of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea). When Rumania's Nicolae Ceaucescu, who had sometimes been compared to North Korea's Kim Il Sung, was put to death by angry demonstrators, South Koreans became even more confident that unification would come in the near future- be it through transformation or collapse of the communist system in North Korea.

1974 ◽  
Vol 14 (155) ◽  
pp. 86-86

The ICRC wishes to draw attention to the following corrections to be made in the Summary Report of Activities from 1969 to 1972, which it had issued for the XXIInd International Conference of the Red Cross:On page 9, column 1, the second paragraph of the section concerning the Democratic People's Republic of Korea should read as follows:The ICRC asked the Red Cross Society of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for news about the people. In January 1970, the Society informed the ICRC that the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea was prepared to release and repatriate those wishing to return to the Republic of Korea. Thus, thirty-nine passengers were released at Pan Mun Jom, on 14 February, while the others remained in North Korea.


Author(s):  
Sang Jo Jong

This chapter examines the statutory grounds for governmental access to private-sector data in Korea. It focuses on issues such as the circumstances under which access is allowed without a warrant and how unjustified government access can take place in practice. Systematic government access to private-sector data can take place through warrants issued by a court. Notably, due to the unique truce situation, under which the Republic of Korea is technically still at war with North Korea, Korean authorities are sometimes allowed to obtain private-sector data without warrants, for national security purposes. This chapter examines the statutory grounds for governmental access to private-sector data in Korea, focusing specifically on issues such as the circumstances under which access is allowed without a warrant and how unjustified government access can take place in practice.


2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 85-105
Author(s):  
Steven Hugh Lee

AbstractSince December 1997, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States have met in a series of talks aimed at promoting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the region. According to a November 1998 U.S. Department of Defense report, the discussions have created a “diplomatic venue for reducing tensions and ultimately replacing the Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace settlement.”1 Amidst the tragic human suffering which has occurred in North Korea, there have been some encouraging developments on the peninsula. The 1994 Agreed Framework between the United States and North Korea placed international controls on North Korea’s atomic energy program and cautiously anticipated the normalization of U.S.-DPRK relations. Since assuming power in early 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae Jung has vigorously pursued a policy of engagement with P’yo¨ngyang, known as the “sunshine policy.” Over the past decade, North Korea has also reoriented its foreign policy. In the early 1990s, the regime’s social and economic crisis led to a rethinking of its autarkic economic system. By early 1994, the state had created new free trade zones and relatively open foreign investment laws.2 By complying with the Agreed Framework, the DPRK has also shown a willingness to work with the international community on sensitive issues affecting its internal sovereignty and ability to project power beyond its borders.


Author(s):  
Alexander Zhebin

The article analyzes the prospects for US-North Korean and inter-Korean relations, taking into account the completed policy review of the new US administration towards the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), as well as the results of the President of the Republic of Korea Moon Jae-in’s trip to Washington in May 2021 and his talks with US President Joe Biden. It is concluded that the “new" course proposed by the United States in relation to the DPRK will not lead to a solution to the nuclear problem of the Korean Peninsula and will interfere with the normalization of inter-Korean relations. During his visit to the US President Moon failed to obtain the US consent on ROK more “independent policy” toward North Korea. In spite of lavish investments into US economy and other concessions, Seoul was forced to promise to coordinate his approaches to the DPRK with US and Japan and support US position on Taiwan straits and South China Sea. The author argues that in the current conditions, the introduction of a regime of arms limitation and arms control in Korea should be a necessary stage on the way to complete denuclearization of the peninsula. The transition to a such method of the settlement of the nuclear problem could lead to the resumption of the negotiation process, mutual concessions, including reductions in the level of military-political confrontation, partial or large-scale lifting of economic sanctions in exchange for North Korea's restrictions of its nuclear weapon and missile systems.


2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fransiskus I. Widjaja ◽  
Noh I. Boiliu ◽  
Irfan F. Simanjuntak ◽  
Joni M.P. Gultom ◽  
Fredy Simanjuntak

This study aims to determine the motive that led to the establishment of Juche by Kim Il Sung amidst the influence of communism and its transformation into religion in North Korea. North Korea is a communist country dictated by Kim Jong-Un of the Kim dynasty and known for its cruelty. The country underwent several changes from Marxism-Leninism to familism to determine its strength in Juche. This ideology that acts as a religion was influenced and strengthened Kim Jong Il to Kim Jong-Un and built by shifting the concept of marxism-Leninism to construct a new understanding of Juche. It will be demonstrated that this ideology was influenced by Confucianism, Christianity, Nationalism, Chinese Communism, and Russian Communism. In the modern era, imperialism was used as an ideological tool to restrict backwardness. This theory allegedly helped Kim Il-Sung establish a unitary, one-person rule over North Korea. ‘It will be examined whether Juche ideology is a tool the state has used to convince people of their government. Pronouncements, an intentional religion in which the people were to believe that their Ruler (Kim Il Sung) was a supreme human or an ideology that morphed into a religion’. It will be demonstrated that, when they started honoring Kim as their god, no other religion was permitted.Contribution: This research offers readers an understanding of the value of humanity in the binding ideology of Juche. However, the Juche Ideology can serve as a missiological bridge towards mission goals, which require the experience of spiritual, physical, and social liberation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 53-59
Author(s):  
М. Vaulina ◽  
◽  
Е. Gainullina ◽  

The article examines the factors that build the image of the president of the Republic of Korea, such as the political course, communication with the people, the politician’s social circle, his hobbies, the lighting of information in the media, the political technologies, etc. Special attention is paid to the reaction of the Koreans and the world community upon the actions of Moon Jae-in. Have been compared the impressions made by Park Geun-hye and Moon Jae-in. The conclusion draws out that the image of Moon Jae-in has positive characteristic, which roughly contrasts with the previous president and improves the country’s image on the world stage. The attractive image of the political leader ensures its support by its citizens, giving him a “credit” and approval for the ongoing political reforms


MEST Journal ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-88
Author(s):  
Chanmi Yu ◽  
Walter Block

Large modern shopping malls are replacing smaller, traditional groceries in the Republic of Korea. The present paper analyzes this phenomenon and recommends a laissez-faire public policy response. Alterations in selling format to consumers are only the tip of the iceberg in terms of changes in the economy. They are always occurring, at least in healthy economies, and, always, roadblocks are placed in their way. For example, Wal-Mart is prohibited from opening stores in a few communities. Uber and Lyft have been met with great hostility from established taxicab services. Economists even offer a generic term for this phenomenon: restrictions on entry. The present paper is a case study of this occurrence. It focuses on the Republic of Korea, and mainly considers grocery stores. But this small story is emblematic of what takes place in numerous countries all around the world, and many industries. We recommend a laissez-faire public policy approach to this phenomenon. If the new ways of doing things do not violate anyone’s rights, now laws should be passed interfering with the new ways of engaging in commerce. But is this not unfair to the people engaged in the old industries that are withering away? Not a bit of it. The horse and buggy industry, for example, was populated by entrepreneurs who earned a good living before the advent of the horseless carriage. Why should they be guaranteed profits when their offerings are no longer accepted by the public? And the same applies to automobile manufacturers, should their products ever be supplanted by even better means of transportation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2s) ◽  
pp. 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Johnson ◽  
Wojciech J. Cynarski ◽  
Sunjang Lee

<div><p><em>Background</em>. Despite the style of Taekwon-Do taught by the International Taekwon-Do Federation (ITF) being founded in the Republic of Korea (ROK; South Korea), it is known predominately as “North Korean Taekwon-Do.” <em>Problem and Aim</em>. Taekwon-Do was introduced to the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea (DPRK; North Korea) in 1980, but since then no studies have reported how it is practiced in that country due to the DPRK government’s restricting access to its populace. This research aims to begin establishing if there are differences in pedagogical purpose and praxis in DPRK Taekwon-Do. <em>Methodology</em>. An internet search for individuals who traveled to the DPRK to practice Taekwon-Do specifically was conducted. A systematic literature of ITF pedagogical materials was performed, and a multipurpose, qualitative questionnaire was implemented. Out of the seven individuals who were identified and contacted, two agreed to participate in the current study; however, one of those two were disqualified due to incorrectly completing the questionnaire. A descriptive, non-experimental case study of one subject (Singaporean female aged 36 yr.) was then conducted. A qualitative analysis of the data resulting from the questionnaire and follow-up interviews was performed. <em>Results</em>. All five areas of the ITF’s curriculum (i.e., fundamental techniques, <em>tul </em>[forms], sparring, <em>dallyon</em> [forging or conditioning of the body], and self-defense) and the three levels of Taekwon-do’s pedagogy (i.e., <em>musul</em> [martial technique], <em>muyae</em> [martial artistry], and <em>mudo</em> [martial way]) were found in DPRK Taekwon-Do. <em>Discussion and Conclusions</em>. Despite the severe limitations of being unable to interview DPRK Taekwon-Do practitioners directly and the smallest small sample group possible, it was learned that DPRK instructors most likely teach all aspects of General Choi’s Composition of Taekwon-Do, and the stratified Taekwon-Do pedagogy theory was found in the subject’s practice in the DPRK.</p></div>


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-71
Author(s):  
Nate Kerkhoff

Abstract The diplomatic history of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk) is intrinsically tied to Cold War politics, often in the context of the Communist versus capitalist paradigm regarding competition with the Republic of Korea (rok). However, North Korea’s actions outside of this scope were significant to understanding the full spectrum of its foreign policy of the Cold War era. This article explores the dprk’s relationship with the Non-Aligned Movement in an attempt to shed light on this largely under-studied aspect. As arguably the most important institution for the Global South during the Cold War, North Korea hoped to influence its members into isolating the rok politically and diplomatically. However, while it remains a member to this day, North Korea’s relevancy within the organization lasted for only a few short years. The following examination explores this phenomenon and argues that despite built-in advantages, North Korea’s own policy decisions led to its demise among significant voices in the organization and failure to achieve even any part of its overall goal.


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