Revolution and Protest Online

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-46
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Beck
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Social Aspects ◽  
The Political ◽  
Price Variability ◽  
Marginal Value ◽  
Global Issues ◽  
Subscription Price ◽  
Advanced Search ◽  
The World ◽  
Pdf Format

Revolution and Protest Online is an Alexander Street resource, which provides documents, images and videos on revolutions and resistance, protest, and social movements from the eighteenth to the twenty-first centuries. It can be purchased as a standalone collection with a perpetual access license, or it can be accessed as a Related Collection through a subscription to Global Issues Library, another Alexander Street resource. This database contains original documents and images in PDF format, as well as e-books, monographs, journals, and videos. These are drawn from a variety of national and international sources, and collectively represent several hundred images, almost 200 videos, and nearly 100,000 pages of content.This database is not difficult to navigate, and finding materials there is relatively easy, using either the basic or advanced searches or through browsing. These various search and browse functions can produce useful results, and are easily understandable, though the advanced search is arguably the most flexible and effective (but also the most complex!). Pricing for this database is based on an institution's budget, FTE, and whatever consortia arrangements it and other institutions make with the vendor. As a consequence, its price can vary considerably from one subscriber to another! For a specific price quote, contact Alexander Street. Its licensing agreement is quite average in its length and composition and is apparently the standard one for the vendor. The quality, quantity, and variety of materials in this database is notable. It will certainly be of use to those researching the political, historical, and social aspects of revolution and protest, both in the United States and around the world. However, given its price variability, it may only be of marginal value to institutions with a high purchase/subscription price and a low demand for these kinds of materials.

Histoire du mot «démocratie» au Canada et au Québec. Analyse politique des stratégies rhétoriques

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Le Canada

Résumé.L'étude des discours des «pères fondateurs» du Canada moderne révèle qu'ils étaient ouvertement antidémocrates. Comment expliquer qu'un régime fondé dans un esprit antidémocratique en soit venu à être identifié positivement à la démocratie? S'inspirant d'études similaires sur les États-Unis et la France, l'analyse de l'histoire du mot «démocratie» révèle que le Canada a été associé à la «démocratie» en raison de stratégies discursives des membres de l'élite politique qui cherchaient à accroître leur capacité de mobiliser les masses à l'occasion des guerres mondiales, et non pas à la suite de modifications constitutionnelles ou institutionnelles qui auraient justifié un changement d'appellation du régime.Abstract.An examination of the speeches of modern Canada's “founding fathers” lays bare their openly anti-democratic outlook. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on the examples of similar studies carried out in the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term “democracy” in Canada shows that the country's association with “democracy” was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the regime. Instead, it was the result of the political elite's discursive strategies, whose purpose was to strengthen the elite's ability to mobilize the masses during the world wars.

scholarly journals Engaging for Puerto Rico: #RickyRenuncia (and #RickySeQueda) during El Verano del 19 and digital identities

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo T Perez-Rivera ◽  
Christopher Torres Lugo ◽  
Alexis R Santos-Lozada
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Social Activism ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Digital Revolution ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
Puerto Rican Diaspora

Between July 13-24, 2019 the people of Puerto Rico took the streets after a series of corruption scandals shocked the political establishment. The social uprising resulted in the ousting of the Governor of Puerto Rico (Dr. Ricardo Rosselló, Ricky), the resignation of the majority of his staff something unprecedented in the history of Puerto Rico; this period has been called El Verano del 19 (Summer of 19). Social media played a crucial role in both the organization and dissemination of the protests, marches, and other activities that occurred within this period. Puerto Ricans in the island and around the world engaged in this social movement through the digital revolution mainly under the hashtag #RickyRenuncia (Ricky Resign), with a small counter movement under the hashtag #RickySeQueda (Ricky will stay). The purpose of this study is to illustrate the magnitude and grass roots nature of the political movement’s social media presence, as well as their characteristics of the population of both movements and their structures. We found that #RickyRenuncia was used approximately one million times in the period of analysis while #RickySeQueda barely reached 6,000 tweets. Particularly, the pervasiveness of cliques in the #RickySeQueda show concentrations of authority dedicated to its propagation, whilst the #RickyRenuncia propagation was much more distributed and decentralized with little to no interaction between significant nodes of authority. Noteworthy was the role of the Puerto Rican diaspora in the United States of America and around the world, contributing close to 40% of all geo-located tweets. Finally, we found that the Twitter followers of the former governor had indicators of being composed of two distinct populations: 1) those active in social media and 2) those who follow the account but who are not active participants of the social network. We discuss the implications of these findings on the interpretation of emergence, structure and dissemination of social activism and countermovement to these activities in the context of Puerto Rico.

The Realist–Pacifist Summit Meeting of March 1942 and the Political Reorientation of Ecumenical Protestantism in the United States

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Hollinger
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Summit Meeting ◽  
The World ◽  
Institutional Forces ◽  
First Moment

This chapter analyzes the consolidation in 1942 of the two major, religiously defined institutional forces of the entire period from World War II to the present. The Delaware Conference of March 3–5, 1942, was the first moment at which rival groups within the leadership of ecumenical Protestantism came together and agreed upon an agenda for the postwar world. The chapter addresses the following questions: Just what did the Delaware Conference agree upon and proclaim to the world? Which Protestant leaders were present at the conference and/or helped to bring it about and to endow it with the character of a summit meeting? In what respects did the new political orientation established at the conference affect the destiny of ecumenical Protestantism?

Conclusions

1998 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. W. Rostow
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Population Increase ◽  
The Political ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government

I have tried in this book to summarize where the world economy has come from in the past three centuries and to set out the core of the agenda that lies before us as we face the century ahead. This century, for the first time since the mid-18th century, will come to be dominated by stagnant or falling populations. The conclusions at which I have arrived can usefully be divided in two parts: one relates to what can be called the political economy of the 21st century; the other relates to the links between the problem of the United States playing steadily the role of critical margin on the world scene and moving at home toward a solution to the multiple facets of the urban problem. As for the political economy of the 21st century, the following points relate both to U.S. domestic policy and U.S. policy within the OECD, APEC, OAS, and other relevant international organizations. There is a good chance that the economic rise of China and Asia as well as Latin America, plus the convergence of economic stagnation and population increase in Africa, will raise for a time the relative prices of food and industrial materials, as well as lead to an increase in expen ditures in support of the environment. This should occur in the early part of the next century, If corrective action is taken in the private markets and the political process, these strains on the supply side should diminish with the passage of time, the advance of science and innovation, and the progressively reduced rate of population increase. The government, the universities, the private sector, and the professions might soon place on their common agenda the delicate balance of maintaining full employment with stagnant or falling populations. The existing literature, which largely stems from the 1930s, is quite illuminating but inadequate. And the experience with stagnant or falling population in the the world economy during post-Industrial Revolution times is extremely limited. This is a subject best approached in the United States on a bipartisan basis, abroad as an international problem. It is much too serious to be dealt with, as it is at present, as a domestic political football.

Reintegrating Cuba into the Global Economy

2019 ◽  
pp. 241-276
Author(s):  
Larry Catá Backer
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Global Trade ◽  
Global Changes ◽  
Cooperation Agreement ◽  
Political Dialogue ◽  
The World ◽  
The U.S

This chapter seeks to answer the question: What internal Cuban legal adjustments are necessary for Cuba to enter into a fully normalized relationship with the United States. and the rest of the world? The chapter first focuses on the adjustments Cuba might have to undertake if it is to embed itself within the structures of global trade and finance. Next, the chapter examines the extent to which Cuba is disposed to consider these possible reforms. Third, it examines what may be possible in the aftermath of the U.S. presidential election of 2016 (and its aftermath) and other global changes, including the emergence of a Chinese alternative to national embedding in global trade. These have considerably changed the terrain within with the consequences of U.S.-Cuba normalization can be considered. The examination considers the value of the European Union’s strategic initiative, the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA), as a viable basis for Cuban reintegration in the global economy.

John Adams's Machiavellian Moment

1995 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Bradley Thompson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
John Adams ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Epistemology

John Adams was unique among the Founding Fathers in that he actually read and took seriously Machiavelli's ideas. In his Defence of the Constitutions of the United States, Adams quoted extensively from Machiavelli and he openly acknowledged an intellectual debt to the Florentine statesman. Adams praised Machiavelli for having been “the first” to have “revived the ancient politics” and he insisted that the “world” was much indebted to Machiavelli for “the revival of reason in matters of government.” What could Adams have meant by these extraordinary statements? The following article examines the Machiavellian ideas and principles Adams incorporated into his political thought as well as those that he rejected. Drawing upon evidence found in an unpublished fragment, Part one argues that the political epistemology that Adams employed in the Defence can be traced to Machiavelli's new modes and orders. Part two presents Adams's critique of Machiavelli's constitutionalism.

Antonio Pucci

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Bendinelli Predelli
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Aspects ◽  
The Political ◽  
Manuscript Studies ◽  
Critical Editions ◽  
Literary Expression ◽  
Critical Attention ◽  
Cultural Status ◽  
Great Portion

Leaving aside Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio—the three exceptional figures of the Italian Trecento—Antonio Pucci (b. c. 1310–d. 1388) is perhaps the most notable writer of the literary Florentine landscape of that period. His abundant production includes an astonishing variety of genres and themes and reveals his alertness in tuning in with new trends in literary expression; his language is fascinating for its richness and spontaneity, and for its proximity to the oral means of communication; and his temperament reveals a passionate connection to the political and social aspects of his city. The scholars of the late 1800s studied and appreciated Pucci as a “popular” writer, one that expressed in simple and sincere ways the sentiments of the Florentine middle and lower classes, commonly pointing out, however, the poverty of his style and his absence from the incipient humanist revolution. In his overview of autobiographical, gnomic, political, and popular poetry (Critica 29 [1931]: 241–263), Benedetto Croce (followed by later critics) presented him as a popular journalist, thinking no doubt of the serventesi in which he narrated and commented the major events that marked the life of the Commune (e.g., the flood of 1333, the rise and fall of a seigneurial regime, various episodes of the war between Florence and Pisa, the plague of 1348). Over the last hundred years, a number of scholars have paid greater attention to his writings, collecting anthologies of his lyrics and providing editions of single works. Interestingly enough, some critical editions (Le Noie, Contrasto delle donne, Sonnets) were first produced in the United States in the first half of the 20th century. This critical attention also enhanced Pucci’s cultural status: scholars began to gather evidence of Pucci’s familiarity with Boccaccio, and highlighted his important role as a mediator between elite and popular culture. New editions of his cantari appeared, and new works were more or less persuasively attributed to him. More recently, Pucci’s writings have also been taken into account to explore issues related to gender studies, particularly in North America. To delve into Pucci’s writings, and correctly circumscribe them, a great portion of the research has been devoted to manuscript studies. The last section to this bibliography also includes a few items concerning the ways and milieux in which Pucci’s name and works persisted in the century after his death. Bibliographical items of the 18th, 19th, and early 20th centuries are only exceptionally listed in this article, as they can be found in Speight 1954, cited under Bibliographies and Other Research Tools.

Maintaining a nonproliferation regime

1981 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph S. Nye
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Fuel Cycle ◽  
Nuclear Fuel Cycle ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nuclear Technology ◽  
The World ◽  
Nuclear Stability ◽  
Political Problem

Three-and-a-half decades have passed since the energy of the atom was used in warfare. Yet rather than nuclear doom, the world has seen a surprising nuclear stability thus far. Equally remarkable is the fact that over the same period nuclear technology has spread to more than two score nations, yet only a small fraction have chosen to develop nuclear weaponry. A third notable point has been the development of an international nonproliferation regime—a set of rules, norms, and institutions, which haltingly and albeit imperfectly, has discouraged the proliferation of nuclear weapons capability.The wrong policies in the 1980s—i.e., policies that put the United States in an overly rigid position on the nuclear fuel cycle or which lower the priority the United States gives to the issue in security terms—could still sacrifice the current modest success in regime maintenance. Unfortunately, there is no simple solution to the political problem of proliferation. But given the difficulty of constructing international institutions in a world of sovereign states, and the risks attendant upon their collapse, political wisdom begins with efforts to maintain the existing regime with its presumption against proliferation.

Persistent High Inequality as an Endogenous Political Process

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (04) ◽  
pp. 633-638 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Echeverri-Gent
Keyword(s):  
Global Financial Crisis ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Agricultural Trade ◽  
The Political ◽  
Doha Round ◽  
Middle Income ◽  
Poor Countries ◽  
The World ◽  
Economic Development Strategies

At the same time that the world has reached unprecedented prosperity, issues of economic inequality have attained great political salience. In the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis, there are major differences in opinion regarding the responsibility of the United States and other wealthy countries and what the proper response should be. In July 2008, the Doha round of negotiations at the WTO broke down after developing countries could not reach an agreement with wealthy countries on agricultural trade. The IMF is under pressure to reform its governance to provide better representation to middle-income and poor countries. And development experts admonish the world about the growing gap between the world's affluent countries and “the bottom billion” (Collier 2007). It used to be that economic-development strategies would target economic growth and “let the rising tide lift all ships.” Now, there is growing concern that growth be inclusive in order to make optimal use of societal resources and mitigate the political volatility that results when substantial segments of societies are excluded from the benefits of development.

After War: The Political Economy of Exporting Democracy, by Christopher J. Coyne

2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 305-306
Author(s):  
Graciana del Castillo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
United States Foreign Policy ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
The World ◽  
Readable Book

This is a highly readable book that provides strong and rigorous arguments to prove a thesis that is intuitive to many but still denied by some—that the United States foreign policy of using military intervention, occupation, and reconstruction to establish liberal democracies across the world is more likely to fail than to succeed.

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