scholarly journals Strategy Implementation Traceability of Breeding Shrimp Business in Indonesia

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Angky Soedrijanto ◽  
Martani Huseini ◽  
Margono Setiawan ◽  
Eddy Suprayitno

Broodstock in the preparation of the document traceability from sea to table is upstream of all the problems in the shrimp business in Indonesia. Until now there has been no regulation or standard of Good Breeding Practices Operaional procedures that are technically capable of guaranteeing the treatment of antibiotics free. The research aims to identify, locate and establish a starting point in the implementation of traceability Indonesian shrimp from hatchery business. Analyzing the performance of the business associated with breeding success in the implementation of traceability as well as find the implementation strategy of  Indonesia's shrimp traceability. The results showed that tracer code to recording the capture area of the broodstock and technically seeding practices is importance. Application numeric code that registered would be included in the memorandum of sale of seed should be done jointly by the Government and the Association of hatchery. Standards and sanctions, can be implemented by the supplier, and cold storage. Supplier has the right to buy at the local market price for non-tracer prawn; so that cold storage have to refuse shrimp if nothing to seed sales without a memorandum of traceability. Based on these simple sales memorandum format, traceability could have been implemented for accurate searching. The reflects code of location tracer hatchery / backyard in District / City + catcher + spawner + breeder + seed brokers whole or in part. Technicians and Managers responsible for the source of information if cases of food safety incidents, For accounting purposes of the company, that buyers have a recording data search to find a farmer or even seed traders. In the event that a broodstock shrimp business comes from imports, the tracer code catcher broodstock and breeder may contain information search origin imported interpreted code or code numbers importers import documents.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hafinuddin Hafinuddin ◽  
Uswatun Hasanah

Prospect of fishing business of mud crab has became the right choice because demand of mud crab is increasing and market price is relatively good. The availability mud crab for local market in West Aceh District is affected by minimum catch, unefficient fishing, where fishermen is still using traditional fishing gear i.e. scoop net as well as having internal factor and external factor. Because of that, the potential business for mud crab fishing with eco-friendly fishing gear i.e. traps is very good to applied. Applying traps was carried out at Kuala Bubon Village Samatiga Sub district Aceh Barat District Aceh Province. Applying traps is for pilot project for fisherman. The Methods include 1) mentoring and sosialization traps; 2) training for making traps and 3) operating traps. Result of the activity show 1) fish catching using traps is better than using scoop net; 2) increased skilll  for fishermen about making traps and 3) increased understanding for fisherman about using eco-friendly fishing gear to catching mud crab. Applying traps for fisherman community is very potential to developed for mud crab fishing business.


1960 ◽  
Vol 16 (01) ◽  
pp. 40-47
Author(s):  
J. G. Day

The best known and most common type of option is that where an investor pays money (option money) for the call—that is for the right to buy shares at the current price in 3 months time.This is best explained by an example. Suppose shareAstands at 50s. (market price 49s. 10½d.–50s. 1½d.) and the option rate is 4s.Then the investor pays:Option money 4s.Commission (as for buying a share at 50s. 1½d.)This payment gives him the right to buy the share at the ‘striking price’ on any ‘declaration day’ within the term of the option.


1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 1104-1123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otto Kirchheimer

In the World War period and after, the use of extraordinary powers by the executive for legislative purposes became so widespread in Europe that constitutional theorists began to find it convenient to give up the doctrine of legislative supremacy. The constitutional basis for these extraordinary powers has been found in one of two ways: either the parliament may authorize the government to exercise certain legislative functions by way of delegation, or certain provisions in the constitution may be interpreted as giving the executive the right under certain circumstances not only to take specific administrative steps, but also to issue rules of a more general character. In either case, the question invariably arises as to how far the delegation of power may go, or as to the degree to which alleged constitutional emergency provisions may be used to supersede parliamentary legislation.In France, no constitutional emergency power is provided in the “organic” laws of 1875 which could give a starting point for independent rule-making activity. A law of April 3, 1878, defined very closely the conditions under which a state of siege may be declared and surrounded such a declaration with elaborate provisions for parliamentary supervision. It is apparent that this statute does not allow the government to decree rules of a general character.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 108-132
Author(s):  
Osman Sušić ◽  

This paper covers the period from 1937 to 1945, the period of the establishment and works of the Serbian Cultural Club. The paper will discuss the political circumstances in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in wich Serbian Cultural Club was founded, as well as the program goals and its activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special emphasis will be put on the period of the Second World War in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state and the activities of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War. The work and achievement of the program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War will be presented through the work of the Exile Government in London and the activities of the Chetniks Movement in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state. The Serbian Cultural Club was formed as a form of political association and activity, which included politicians, public workers, scientists, members of various political organizations, representatives of state and parastate bodies and organizations, under the slogan "Serbs for Reunion". The club acted as a unique and homogeneous organization, regardless of the composition of the membership, with the goal of saving Serbia and Serbs. This most clearly expressed his overall activity, composition and degree of influence on state policy. The most important issues of state or Serbian nationalist policy for the interest of the Government were discussed in the Club, so the club had an extensive network of boards and several media. Professor and Rector of the University of Belgrade, Dr. Slobodan Jovanović, was elected the first president of the Serbian Cultural Club. He was the ideological creator of this organization (and he set out the basic tasks and goals of the Club). The vice presidents were Dr. Nikola Stojanović and Dr. Dragiša Vasić, and Dr. Vasa Čubrilović the secretary. Dr. Stevan Moljevic was the president of the board of the Serbian Cultural Club for the Bosnian Krajina, based in Banja Luka. According to Dinić, the initiative for the formation of the Serbian Cultural Club was given by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serbs Dr. Nikola Stojanović, Dr. Vladimir Čorović, Dr. Vladimir Grčić and Dr. Slobodan Jovanović. The activities of the Serbian Cultural Club can be divided into two stages. The first from its founding in 1936 until the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement, and the second from 1939 to 1941. The program of the Serbian Cultural Club was a sum of Greater Serbia programs of all major political parties that operated in Serbia with the help of state institutions. The goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were mainly: expansionist policy of expanding Serbian rule to neighboring areas, denying the national identity of all other Yugoslav nations and exercising the right to self-determination. The program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were to propagate Greater Serbian ideology. With its program about Greater Serbia and its activities, the Serbian Cultural Club has become the bearer of the most extreme Serbian nationalist aspirations. After the Cvetković-Maček agreement of August 1939, the Serbian Cultural Club demanded a revision of the agreement, calling for a Serbo-Croatian agreement based on ethnic, historical or economic-geographical principles. The adoption of one of these principles was to apply to the entire area inhabited by Serbs. The subcommittees of the Serbian Cultural Club in Bosnia and Herzegovina had the primary task of working to emphasize its Serbian character, and after the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement to form awareness that the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina should enter the Serbian territorial unit. With the prominent slogan "Wherever there are Serbs - there is Serbia", the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina were marked as the "vigilant guardian of the Serbian national consciousness". The leadership and most of the members of the Serbian Cultural Club joined the Chetnik movement as Draža Mihailović's national ideologues. The policy of the militant Greater Serbia program and Serbian nationalism of the Serbian Cultural Club was accepted as the program of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement. Some of Draža Mihailović's most important associates belonged to the Serbian Cultural Club. The main political goals of the Chetnik movement are formulated in several program documents. The starting point in them was the idea of a "Greater and Homogeneous Serbia", which was based on the idea that Serbs should be the leading nation in the Balkans.


Author(s):  
Lisa Borland

We describe how a stock price model based on nonextensive statistics can be used to derive a generalized theory for pricing stock options. A review of theoretical and empirical results is presented…. In 1973, Black and Scholes [1] and Merton [12] published their seminal papers which developed a theory of the fair price of options. Scholes and Merton were later to receive the 1997 Nobel prize for this famous work (Fisher Black had unfortunately passed away two years earlier). Options are important financial instruments which are traded in a huge volume all around the world on a variety of exchanges. There are options on underlying assets ranging from orange juice to gold, stocks to currency. In principle, an option is simply the right—but not the obligation—to execute some previously agreed upon action, for example, the right to buy or sell the underlying asset at some predetermined price, called the strike. It is not difficult to understand that the existence of such instruments could be extremely useful—for example, the right to buy an asset at a certain price protects against unforeseen events which could lead to huge price rises and thereby losses to someone who knows that they will need the asset at some time in the future. Similarly, the right to sell the asset at a certain price will protect against unforeseen drops in its value. These examples illustrate the use of options to hedge oneself against possible future events. Another use is more speculative: If a trader believes that the price of a stock will rise above a certain price at some date in the future, then it is in his interest to secure an option to buy the stock at some fixed lower price. Then, if the price of the stock does rise above that price, the trader can execute his option, just to turn around and resell the stock again at the higher market price.


Author(s):  
Irfan Rusli Sadek ◽  
Juraid Abdul Latief ◽  
Nawawi Natsir ◽  
Daswati Daswati

The policy development mechanism for the national identity number -based electronic ID card software is described in this report. In this analysis, a qualitative procedure was used in conjunction with a case study technique. The total number of informants was 19. Employees from the government who work on the national identity number -based electronic identification card software make up this group. The culture is often used as a source of information in this report. The findings of the study indicate that; Every organ and implementor personnel at every level in every Pasangkayu sub-district office understands and implements national Identity Number -based electronic identification card policy requirements and goals, namely: first, citizens with a identification card condition have the right to get a electronic identification card, which the government is required to promote. Second, get closer to the position where the community resides, in this case the office respective districts, such that the community is not inconvenienced and burdened, must go to the Disdukcapil office in the district capital. Third, since these programs are provided free of charge or at no expense to government, this approach would not impose an economic burden. Fourth, this proposal has little effect on the district's spending schedule. As a result, success policy is essentially an evaluation of how well expectations and policy priorities have been met. As a result, the policy's standards and objectives must be practical and specifically targeted, and any implementation entity (implementor) must be aware of the policy's standards and objectives.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-90
Author(s):  
Estelle Clarke

The UK student loans system is in crisis and the government plans to sell off student loans to corporate purchasers. Such loan sales disadvantage government, the taxpayer and student borrowers. The government should give student borrowers the ‘right to buy’ their own loans for the same price the government is prepared to sell those loans to corporate purchasers. If borrowers purchased their own loans, disadvantages of loan sales would transform into advantages. The ‘right to buy’ can fairly be extended to all borrowers, regardless of whether their loans are being sold; this is done by extending the ‘right to buy’ as a ‘right to reduce’ student loans. The ‘right to reduce’ also provides a solution to the problem of how to ‘deal with’ existing student debt. Because the ‘right to buy’ and the ‘right to reduce’ both follow government’s pricing for loan sales, they should be universally acceptable; moreover, government, taxpayers and borrowers would be better off.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-74
Author(s):  
Marina V. Dudaeva

The author of the article examines the peculiarities of the Italian political space through a retrospective analysis of that countrys longstanding decentralization process. As a starting point, the author takes the end of the Risorgimento era, during which the national liberation movement of the Italian people united against foreign domination of their fragmented nation. A periodization of the decentralization process is given, indicating its main milestones: 1) the establishment of the Kingdom of Italy (1815 to 1871); 2) the Fascist regime (1922 to 1943); 3) adoption of the Italian Constitution and the Statutes of the Special Regions (1947); 4) regional reform (1970) and; 5) constitutional reform (2001). The key criteria for assessing the degree of decentralization in Italy are considered, including whether the regions have the right to adopt their own laws, initiate legislation at the central level, and participate in international activities. The author concludes that the Italian political elite has succeeded in decentralizing the republic and building a new regional policy based on the principles of subsidiarity. The reforms of the political and legal institutional design were mainly related to the delineation of the spheres of competence between the state and the regions, the consolidation of autonomous status for all regions, the abolition of the government commissioner, and the challenge of regional legislation exclusively by the Constitutional Court, creating the basis for the quasi-federal features of the Italian political and legal system. Thus, it is natural to say that Italy belongs to a special transit form of state structure of the regionalist type, located at the juncture between unitarianism and federalism.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


Author(s):  
Liubomyr Ilyn

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze and systematize the views of social and political thinkers of Galicia in the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. on the right and manner of organizing a nation-state as a cathedral. Method. The methodology includes a set of general scientific, special legal, special historical and philosophical methods of scientific knowledge, as well as the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematic and comprehensive. The problem-chronological approach made it possible to identify the main stages of the evolution of the content of the idea of catholicity in Galicia's legal thought of the 19th century. Results. It is established that the idea of catholicity, which was borrowed from church terminology, during the nineteenth century. acquired clear legal and philosophical features that turned it into an effective principle of achieving state unity and integrity. For the Ukrainian statesmen of the 19th century. the idea of catholicity became fundamental in view of the separation of Ukrainians between the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires. The idea of unity of Ukrainians of Galicia and the Dnieper region, formulated for the first time by the members of the Russian Trinity, underwent a long evolution and received theoretical reflection in the work of Bachynsky's «Ukraine irredenta». It is established that catholicity should be understood as a legal principle, according to which decisions are made in dialogue, by consensus, and thus able to satisfy the absolute majority of citizens of the state. For Galician Ukrainians, the principle of unity in the nineteenth century. implemented through the prism of «state» and «international» approaches. Scientific novelty. The main stages of formation and development of the idea of catholicity in the views of social and political figures of Halychyna of the XIX – beginning of the XX centuries are highlighted in the work. and highlighting the distinctive features of «national statehood» that they promoted and understood as possible in the process of unification of Ukrainian lands into one state. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal studies, preparation of special courses.


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