scholarly journals Clashing cultural nationalisms: the 19th-century Danish-German intellectual debate, the Schleswig wars (1848-1864), and some reflections on the cultural roots of National Socialism

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-122
Author(s):  
Francesco La Rocca

Romantic culture, far from only being an intellectual phenomenon, was a pivotal element in the 19th-century nation-building processes experienced in Europe, and it ended up influencing and being influenced by contemporary political events. The wars waged between Denmark and the German Confederation (1848-1864) are a foremost example of it, as the political claims for the control of the duchies of Schleswig, Holstein and Lauenburg intertwined with the intellectual polemics between some prominent German scholars (Jacob Grimm, Karl Müllenhoff etc.) who intended to prove the German nature of the duchies’ cultural heritage and of Scandinavian cultures in general, and some Danish intellectuals (Nicolai Grundtvig, Rasmus Rask etc.) who strove to undo what they perceived as a politically-charged cultural aggression. The relevance of the Schleswig Wars and their related intellectual debate is not restricted to 19th-century studies, as some authors of the second half of the 20th century have suggested that the German-Danish intellectual conflict over the heritage of the Old North was actually a prelude to what would eventually be Nazi Germany’s totalitarian ideology. Unfortunately, little has been written so far on the relationship between the Schleswig Wars and the then-contemporary scholarly debate. This article is intended to be an effective contribution in this direction.

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 309-335
Author(s):  
Klaudiusz Święcicki ◽  

The article discusses the process of increased interest in Zakopane and Podhale culture in the second half of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century. Discusses the problem of highlanders acquiring national identity. Characterizes the environment of the intellectual and artistic elite of Zakopane. Attempts to analyse how fascination with the Tatra landscape and highlander culture influenced the formation of one of the myths that fund modern national identity. Tries to show how the artists influenced the development of Zakopane as a holiday spa. It also shows the impact of bohemia on the transformation of the culture of highlanders in the Podhale region. The second part of the article discusses the relationship of the poet Jan Kasprowicz with Podhale. His peregrinations to Zakopane and Poronin were presented. On the selected example from creativity, an attempt was made to analyse the poet’s fascination with the Tatra Mountains and highlander culture.


2003 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katalin Tabi

After the text-based editorial approach of the 17th and 18th centuries, from the end of the 19th century, and even more from the middle of the nineteen-seventies, more and more scholars turned towards the study of stage directions. They started to discover their origins, their meanings, and their impact on the understanding of Shakespeare's plays. These researches led to the fact that Shakespeare criticism could no longer remain within the limited realms of literature, but it had to involve other disciplines such as cultural studies and theatre history in its researches too. The traditions of Elizabethan theatre and the relationship between theatre and literature came into the focus of research. This paper gives a comparative analysis of stage directions in one particular scene, the ballroom-scene (I.iv) of Romeo and Juliet, as they are presented in six prominent 20th-century editions. This study is to prove that nearly all the problems an editor has to face are theatrical in nature and therefore it is necessary to re-establish the relation between page and stage and to make performance-based editions that are useful to theatrical personnel as well as academics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (27) ◽  
pp. 141-161
Author(s):  
YURI COSTA

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar as nuances da relação entre as elites polá­ticas do Maranhão imperial e a Corte instalada no Centro-Sul do paá­s, buscando entender algumas das estratégias utilizadas para que esse tenso relacionamento respeitasse os interesses da Coroa sem deixar de dar vazão a anseios dos grupos polá­ticos locais. Busco, ainda, investigar o cenário polá­tico maranhense da segunda metade do século XIX, que testemunhou uma maior estabilidade no embate entre as facções polá­ticas da prová­ncia, organizadas em torno de dois principais partidos: o Conservador e o Liberal.Palavras-chave:  Maranhão. Século XIX. Grupos polá­ticos. Corte imperial.  SCALES OF POWER:  political groups in Maranhão of nineteenth century and their relationship with the Court of the EmpireAbstract:  the aim of this article is to analyze the nuances of the relationship between the political elites of Maranhão and the Court installed in the Center-South of Brazil, seeking to understand some of the strategies used for this tense relationship complied with the interests of the Crown without help give vent to the desires of the local political groups. I also seek to investigate the political scenario of Maranhão from the second half of the 19th century, which witnessed greater stability in the clash between the political factions in the province, organized around two main parties: the Conservative and the Liberal.Keywords:  Maranhão. The 19th Century. Political groups. Imperial court.  ESCALAS DE PODER: los grupos polá­ticos en Maranhão en el siglo XIX y su relación con la corte del ImperioResumen:  El objetivo de este artá­culo es analizar los matices de la relación entre las élites polá­ticas de Maranhão y la Corte instalada en el Centro-Sur de Brasil, tratando de entender algunas de las estrategias utilizadas para que esta relación tensa respetara los intereses de la Corona sin dejar de dar flujo a los anhelos de los grupos polá­ticos locales. Busco también investigar el escenario polá­tico de Maranhão de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, que ha atestiguado una mayor estabilidad en el enfrentamiento entre las facciones polá­ticas de la provincia, organizadas alrededor de dos principales partidos: el Conservador y el Liberal.Palabras clave: Maranhão. El siglo XIX. Grupos polá­ticos. Corte Imperial.


Author(s):  
William J. Abraham

‘The impact of Methodism’ considers Methodism’s impact on and contribution to social movements, politics, education, and healthcare. Social movements that were deeply influenced by Methodism include the abolition of slavery in the 19th century and the Temperance Movement in the 20th century. The Methodist tradition has always encouraged diversity of judgement in the political arena and Methodists can be found on both the conservative and progressive wings of politics. One of the most important expressions of social holiness in Methodism shows up in its role in education. Methodists founded numerous successful schools and universities around the world. Methodism has also had an impact on popular and high culture.


2006 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 216-226
Author(s):  
Anna-Dorothea Ludewig

AbstractThe present research on Czernowitz focuses mostly on the 20th century and on the works and memoirs of Holocaust survivors. But Czernowitz was at its cultural and economical height at the end of the 19th century, and it was during that time that the myth of the ,,ideal city" was established. This essay stresses the importance of that time period for understanding the ,,Czernowitz myth," and it analyzes the relationship between the ,,real" place Czernowitz and the literary topos of a ,,sunken city" (Rose Ausländer).


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-66
Author(s):  
D.K. Mamytkhanov ◽  

The article describes the border treaty between Russia and China in the 19th century, the situation with the resettlement of Kazakhs who fled for various reasons at the beginning of the last century from the partition of Mongolia during the country's independence in the early 20th century. The need to clarify the relationship between irredentists and the diaspora in these states is discussed. Indeed, in modern Kazakhstani society, raising such a topic is of great importance in the formation of a positive attitude of the people towards a foreign brother.


1970 ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University

A French colony in the 19th century, Algeria was awakened to the ideas of independence in the early 20th century, particularly after the organization of the FLN (National Liberation Front) in 1930. Women were encouraged to participate in the political struggle but the era of independence did not bring them the liberation they expected.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-97
Author(s):  
Virgilijus Pugačiauskas ◽  
Olga Mastianica-Stankevič

In historiography, significant attention to the memory culture of the Napoleonic Wars in Europe focuses on issues relating to the memory culture of the Franco-Russian War of 1812; however, the case of Lithuania is not commonly analysed separately, thus this article discusses how assessments of the 1812 war were maintained in the historical memory in Lithuania. The Russian government offered the population in the lands of the former GDL its official version of the historical memory of the 1812 war (of a heroic battle against an invader), which contradicted the version this population considered as ‘its own’, experienced as their support for Napoleon and the new political and social prospects they believed he would bring. The Russian government’s censorship of written literature suppressed the spread of the people’s ‘own’ local historical memory, yet it did not prove to be so effective due to the population’s very limited opportunities to use the printed word. Communicative memory dominated in the land in the first half of the 19th century, becoming the main source testifying to and passing on to subsequent generations the actual multifaceted experiences of the 1812 war, including the chance of liberation from the yoke of the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, representatives of local Russian imperial government structures and the local Russian intelligentsia, responding to the 1812 war as a Polish struggle for freedom and a symbol of political independence, explained in academic, educational and popular literature that the hopes of the Poles related to Napoleon were actually unfounded: the French emperor had no intentions of restoring the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth within its historical boundaries, but simply wanted to fill his army units with Polish forces. It was highlighted that this expression of Polish support for Napoleon stopped the Russian imperial government’s potential plans to restore the Poles’ former statehood. This so-called regional narrative which appeared in history textbooks and was used by exacting emotional and visual impact in order to influence the political and cultural provisions of the younger generation had a dual purpose. First, to justify the discriminatory policies against individuals of ‘Polish origins’. Second, to ‘block’ the path for using the 1812 war as a historical argument testifying not just to the common historical past and struggle of Poles and Lithuanians but also their possible political future, which was openly expressed in the Polish national discourse of the early 20th century. Over the course of a hundred years, despite the government’s actions, Poles managed to uphold ‘their own’ historical memory about the 1812 war; its meanings were spread in various forms of media such as fictional literature, museum exhibitions and history textbooks, and were used to shape the political and cultural position of the younger generation. In the Lithuanian national discourse on the other hand, the 1812 war, along with the 1830–1831 and 1863–1864 uprisings, was viewed as a matter concerning the Poles and the Polonised nobility, and it was thus a foreign place of historical memory. The 1812 war and assessments of its potential importance to Lithuanians in the Lithuanian national discourse of the early 20th century were one-off cases and fragmented, while their spread among broader layers of society was limited.


2021 ◽  
pp. 269-290
Author(s):  
Rosa María Moreno Rodríguez ◽  
◽  
Natalia N. Arsentieva ◽  

This article addresses the relationships between Russian literature and the development of psychiatry at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. The research is based on the study of the medical contents drawn from the work of Dostoevsky and Andreyev, which deals with the neurophysiological presuppositions of behavioral psychology, theory inaugurated by Pavlov and Bekhterev, and adaptive responses to stress proposed by Hans Selye. We consider both activities, literature and science, as discourse and praxis of theory, either factually, from the development of drugs or instruments that act on brain functioning, or didactically, through the development of roles and dramatic instruments. Moreover, our research also focuses on the psychological expression in the face of misfortune and the sterility of psychic effort, within the two classical dimensions of anthropology and psychology: the correlation between emotions and reason, and the activation of somatic functions. In their work, both authors coincide in showing a psychopathological and somatic correlate either as insanity, paralysis or death. Finally, we analyzed whether the relationship with science is of dependency or whether it constitutes a core part of a cultural continuum.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6 (104)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Georgy Filatov

The Mancomunitat represents the first experience of self-government in Catalonia in the 20th century. This idea began to form among Catalan intellectuals in the second half of the 19th century, when the interests of the local bourgeoisie and the cultural elite of the region unexpectedly coincided in connection with the need to defend their interests before the central authorities. The Mancomunitat emerged at a time when the political system of the restoration was in crisis as the main monarchist parties were ousted from the political life of the region by Catalanists and Republicans. In these conditions, the Spanish government preferred to satisfy the demands of the nationalists, since they were a more conservative force and did not pretend to change the political system of Spain. As a result, the Catalan provinces were able to create the Mancomunitat, which allowed them to coordinate efforts to deal with administrative issues.


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