scholarly journals A coluna “Chronica da Moda” de Mariana Coelho: educação e emancipação feminina em debate (Curitiba - 1901) / Mariana Coelho’s column Chronica da Moda: feminine education and emancipation under discussion (Curitiba - 1901)

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Alexandra Padilha Bueno

O presente artigo é parte de estudos realizados no campo da História da Educação, com ênfase na história intelectual, e das mulheres que se propuseram a analisar a trajetória de Mariana Coelho (1874-1954), intelectual, feminista e educadora portuguesa que chegou ao Paraná em 1893. Ela morou em Curitiba e, nessa capital, manteve-se atuante até1940. Nesse período, além de colaborar em diversos periódicos da imprensa local, produziu e publicou seis livros. Como recorte para este artigo, optou-se por analisar a coluna mensal Chronica da Moda, publicada por Coelho no jornal curitibano Diário da Tarde. Embora a coluna tratasse de assuntos considerados femininos – naquele contexto – Mariana Coelho utilizou o espaço que lhe foi concedido para debater o feminismo, os direitos da mulher, sua condição diante da profissionalização e presença na cena pública, bem como a relevância de sua educação para ocupação desse novo espaço social. Como fontes, privilegiou-se, para uso neste artigo, as colunas que foram publicadas em 1901, visto que, nelas Coelho defendia publicamente o voto feminino e o feminismo, o que lhe colocou em um embate público com outros intelectuais paranaenses do período. Do ponto de vista teórico, o artigo aborda o conceito de intelectual de Carlos Eduardo Vieira, os conceitos de trajetória, campo e capital de Pierre Bourdieu e redes de sociabilidade de Jean-François Sirinelli.* * *This article is part of studies conducted in the field of the History of Education with focus on intellectual history and women’s history that proposed the analysis of Mariana Coelho (1874-1954), intellectual, feminist and Portuguese educator’s trajectory, who arrived in the state of Paraná in 1893. Coelho lived in Curitiba, and stayed active until the 1940s. In that period, in addition to her collaboration in many local press’s journals, Coelho produced and published six books. As passage for this article, it was decided to analyze the biweekly column Chronica da Moda, published by Coelho in the Curitiba’s newspaper Diário da Tarde. While the column addressed subjects considered feminists – in that context – Mariana Coelho used the space given to her to discuss feminism, women’s rights, women’s conditions in the face of professionalization and public presence, as well as the relevance of women’s education to occupy this new social environment. Columns published in 1901 were used as references for this article, since, in those Coelho publically defended women’s rights to vote and feminism, which placed her in a public debate with other intellectuals of the time. From a theoretical point of view, this article approaches Carlos Eduardo Vieira’s intellectual concept, Pierre Bourdieu’s trajectory, field and capital concepts, and Jean-François Sirinelli‘s sociability network.

Author(s):  
Jennifer Knust

The pericope adulterae (John 7:53–8:11) is often interpreted as an inherently feminist story, one that validates women’s humanity in the face of a patriarchal order determined to reduce sexual sinners and women more generally to the status of object. Reading this story within a framework of queer narratology, however, leads to a different point of view, one that challenges the consequences of seeking rescue from a god and a text that are both quite willing to forge male homosocial bonds at a woman’s expense. As the history of this story also shows, texts and their meanings remain unsettled and therefore open to further unpredictable and contingent elaboration. Pondering my own feminist commitments, I attempt to imagine a world and a story where a woman is a person and Jesus is in need of rescue. Perhaps such a world is possible. Or perhaps it is not.


1995 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Chivallon

Unlike research in the Anglophone West Indies, research in the French West Indies has only very recently developed the idea of the existence of a peasant social group in the plantation societies of Guadeloupe and Martinique. The fragility and instability of the collective identity in the French West Indies has served as a principal argument to support the view that the group is not a peasantry but a mere by-product of the plantation system. The idea of the absence of a real process of taking control of space or of a sort of intimate history with space occurs in some writings to explain this weakness of collective sense. Far from refuting the argument which firmly links the identity question to that of space, I shall reinforce it but in order to show that, on the contrary, there arc good grounds for affirming the existence, in the case of the peasant group in Martinique, of an original social experience in which space is strongly mobilised. In doing this, my intention is also to add weight to a theoretical point of view which shows the strength of the ties between space and identity, given that the peasant world in Martinique provides a paradigmatic example of the undeniable power of these ties.


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 234
Author(s):  
Sue Kedgley

Fighting to Choose is a fascinating, meticulously researched history of the struggle to liberalise New Zealand’s abortion laws. It examines why there is still no right to have an abortion in a progressive country like New Zealand, which has a strong record of promoting women’s rights, and why it is that an unsatisfactory abortion law, that was passed 35 years ago, is still on the statute books.


Author(s):  
Roberto Luquín Guerra

Apart from his political and educational work, and from his controversial autobiography, José Vasconcelos is known for his Ibero-Americanist thought. The Cosmic Race, Indology and Bolivarism and Monroeism gather all the ideas that are attributed to his theoretical point of view. His philosophy is what we know less of and what is most criticized. Nonetheless, is there a connection between his philosophical thought and his Ibero-Americanist ideas? Abelardo Villegas says that Vasconcelos’s philosophy is the product of a racial and cultural message. Therefore, according to Villegas, his philosophy is subordinated to his Ibero-Americanist ideas. Patrick Romanell, on the other hand, states that the Ibero-Americanist ideas make up the popular and illusory side and, hence, must be separated from the philosophical thought. The aim of this paper is to elucidate this problem. In order to clarify it, we will follow Villegas viewpoint to the bitter end. His reasoning invites us to look closely at the history of Ibero-American thought as well as at Vasconcelos’s first works. Precisely by analyzing these two aspects and the point where they meet, we might be able to find an answer.


Author(s):  
Ackerly Brooke

This chapter explores the theoretical and political history of human rights that emerges out of the struggles that have been waged by feminists and other non-elites. It first considers the bases for the moral legitimacy of human rights and challenges to those arguments before discussing three aspects of feminist approaches to human rights: their criticism of some aspects of the theory and practice of human rights, their rights claims, and their conceptual contributions to a theory of human rights. It then examines the ways in which feminists and other activists for marginalized groups have used human rights in their struggles and how such struggles have in turn shaped human rights theory. It also analyses theoretical and historical objections to the universality of human rights based on cultural relativism. Finally, it shows that women’s rights advocates want rights enjoyment and not merely entitlements.


2008 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 466a-466a
Author(s):  
Noga Efrati

The history of the women's movement in Iraq before 1958 has received little attention in contemporary scholarly literature published in English. Moreover, when surveying the brief accounts in secondary sources, one is struck by their inconsistency. Upon closer examination, two historiographical approaches emerge. One primarily follows the development of women's activities sanctioned by the regime, focusing on organizations and activists associated with the Iraqi Women's Union, established in 1945. The second approach traces developments and organizations linked with the underground League for the Defense of Women's Rights, founded in 1952. This essay argues that members of the rival union and league constructed two competing narratives in presenting the history of the women's movement in pre-1958 Iraq. The article unpacks these two different narratives as they were originally articulated by activists in order to piece together a more elaborate portrayal of the evolution of the early Iraqi women's movement. The essay also explores how scholars have reproduced these narratives, arguing that both activists and researchers were active participants in a “war of narratives” that left women's history the unfortunate casualty


Author(s):  
Marie Saiget

The history of women is characterized by nonlinear and gendered social, political and economic processes. In particular, the history of Burundian women’s collective actions has been embedded in the contested and violent trajectory of the Burundian state. Burundian women’s collective actions refer to a broad range of interactions: from protest, and social mobilizations to institutionalized actions. These interactions have been shaped by both global and local social structures, and by complex conflictive and cooperative relations between the Burundian state, political parties, women’s organizations and movements, and external actors (colonial powers, international organizations, non-governmental organizations). Women’s experiences in Burundi’s pre-colonial patriarchal society are little known, with the exception of the glorified Queen-mothers. German and Belgian colonial policies (1886–1962) reinforced and rigidified pre-colonial social constructions of ethnic and gendered social identities and roles, assigning ordinary women to the domestic sphere and sanctioning their social inferior status along with ethnic lines (Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa). After Burundi’s independence, the one-party military regime organized and supervised the first forms of women’s political participation through the Union des femmes burundaises (1962–1980s). The democratic transition of the early 1990s led to the creation of autonomous women’s organizations and networks, which were extended during the civil war (1993–2005). Burundian women actively contributed to national and grassroots peace processes. In particular, a delegation of seven Burundian women participated in the negotiations held in Arusha (1998–2000), with observer status. Post-conflict struggles for women’s rights posed the central issue of women’s political representation, with the adoption of gender quotas from 2005, but left aside other issues after 2010, such as women’s right to inherit land. In Spring 2015, Burundian women were present in protests against the president’s third mandate; with the women’s march being the first to reach the city center in March 2015. Women’s organizations kept mobilizing towards women’s rights after the electoral crisis, in exile or within Burundi, though facing important financial constraints and political repression.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 269-280
Author(s):  
CORINNE T. FIELD

Why should intellectual historians care about children? Until recently, the answer was that adults’ ideas about children matter, particularly for the history of education and the history of conceptions of the family, but children's ideas are of little significance. Beginning with Philippe Ariès in the 1960s, historians took to exploring how and why adults’ ideas about children changed over time. In these early histories of childhood, young people figured as consumers of culture and objects of socialization, but not as producers or even conduits of ideas.


2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-418
Author(s):  
Andreas Suter

My study of the Swiss Peasants' War of 1653 has received four reviews in the United States. I am grateful to Hermann Rebel for supplying another, most unusual review to Central European History. It is unusual not only in length but also in judgment. Where the other reviews wrote positively about the book, Rebel rejects it completely.If I read Rebel correctly, his criticism covers four main points. First, he criticizes the book's theoretical point of view, alleging that the call for a “return to historical events in social history” means a return to “histoire événementielle” and would lead to “high antiquarianism.” Second, Rebel criticizes my methodological inferences from this theoretical point: systematic attention to the cultural dimension of human action; the expansion of social history's traditional methods of analysis and perspectives on time (longue durée, temps sociale) to include cultural and anthropological insights (from, i.e., Victor Turner, Mary Douglas, and Clifford Geertz); and the introduction of a “slow-motion” perspective.


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