scholarly journals Schmitt, Locke, and the Limits of Liberalism

Konturen ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonard Feldman

This article brings Carl Schmitt's Political Theology into conversation with John Locke's Second Treatise of Government. Two fundamental issues are considered: the relationship between Locke's theory of prerogative power and Schmitt's sovereign/commissarial distinction, and the place of the theological—in particular the “miraculous” nature of the exception. While some have claimed that Locke's theory of prerogative fits the model of “commissarial dictatorship” I argue that Locke actually complicates the sovereign/commissarial distinction by maintaining the tensions between prerogative, law and popular judgment. Schmitt, on the other hand, dissolves the tension by absorbing popular sovereignty into sovereign exceptionalism. Concerning the miraculous nature of the exception, I argue that Schmitt's claim should be understood as part of a broader effort to render politics serious and so I situate his remarks in light of the complex relationship between the political and the moral in his Concept of the Political. Because Locke's politics is “already” serious in the sense of being firmly situated within natural law, exceptional circumstances do not perform the same redemptive function.

Daímon ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 17-32
Author(s):  
David Guerrero

Una perspectiva reciente sobre los fundamentos normativos del derecho público ha propuesto concebir las relaciones entre ciudadanía y Estado como una “relación fiduciaria”, usando deberes fiduciarios del ámbito iusprivado para justificar limitaciones jurídicas y morales al poder del Estado. La gobernanza fiduciaria también ha sido señalada como una característica distintiva del republicanismo y la soberanía popular, ya que sitúa a la comunidad política como fideicomitente y beneficiaria de cualquier acto administrativo. En este artículo se revisan algunas concepciones protomodernas del gobierno considerando sus justificaciones explícitamente fiduciarias. Concluye con una interpretación fiduciaria del iusnaturalismo Leveller, especialmente necesario para entender (y puede que restaurar) la relación de la gobernanza fiduciaria con la democracia.   A recent perspective on the normative foundations of public law has proposed to conceive citizen-state relationships as a “fiduciary relationship”, using private-law fiduciary duties to justify legal and moral constrains on state power. Fiduciary governance has also been pointed as a distinct feature of republicanism and popular sovereignty, since it places the political community as trustor and beneficiary of any administrative act. This paper reviews some early modern conceptions of government considering their explicit fiduciary justifications. It concludes with a fiduciary account of Leveller natural law, especially needed to understand (and maybe to restore) the relationship between fiduciary governance and democracy.


Author(s):  
Vincenzo Ferrone

This chapter examines the debate between Ernst Cassirer and Martin Heidegger over the question “What is man?”—and thus, indirectly, the authentic meaning of Immanuel Kant's philosophy—and relates it to Pope Benedict XVI's views on the complex relationship between Christianity and Enlightenment culture. What was at stake in the Cassirer–Heidegger debate was the very existence of the Enlightenment and the legitimacy of its epistemological foundation. Cassirer accepted the need to redefine the relationship between the a priori and experience, in view of an idealistic conception of Kantian transcendentalism that was both more complex and problematic. His position remained firmly within the universalistic tradition of Enlightenment humanism. Heidegger, on the other hand, saw the Enlightenment as the final phase of the vilified trajectory of Western metaphysics that had resulted in the enthronement of man. The chapter also considers the Catholic Church's anti-Enlightenment positions.


Author(s):  
Roberto Rossi

Today, historians, philosophers, and scholars of cultural heritage discuss about the relationship between the periodizing labels of historiography and their symbolic employment within the current political rhetoric. To understand the relevance of this issue in Italy, it can be helpful to look at the academic and public debates around the category of “Renaissance”. On the one hand, this article aims to map some notable political uses of this historical figure as a symbol; on the other hand, it reconstructs a tradition of thought focused on the epistemic autonomy of the same category. With these intentions, I look at a group of Italian critics of Johan Huizinga’s aesthetic view of history – like Delio Cantimori, Eugenio Garin, and their heirs within the academic milieu of the “Scuola Normale” of Pisa. Finally, I evaluate whether there is any correspondence between “Renaissance” as a symbol within the political debate and its historiographical employment as a periodizing label.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-182
Author(s):  
Maria Poggi Johnson

In his trilogy of space travel novels, published between 1938 and 1945, C.S. Lewis strikingly anticipates, and incarnates in imaginative form, the insights and concerns central to the modern discipline of ecotheology. The moral and spiritual battle that forms the plot of the novels is enacted and informed by the relationship between humans and the natural environment, Rebellion against, and alienation from, the Creator inevitably manifests in a violent and alienated attitude to creation, which is seen as something to be mastered and exploited. Lives and cultures in harmony with the divine will, on the other hand, are expressed in relationships of care and respect for the environment. The imaginative premise of the Trilogy is that of ecotheology; that the human relationships with God, neighbour, and earth and are deeply and inextricably intertwined.


1970 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurul Aini Musyarofah

The relationship between Islam and state raises a controversy that includes two main groups;formalists and substantialists. Both of them intend to achieve a good social condition which is inaccordance with Islamic politics. The ideal form of good society to be achieved is principallydescribed in the main source of Islamic law, Al Qur’an and As Sunnah, as follows. A form of goodsociety should supprot equality and justice, egalitarianism, and democracy in its social community.The next problem is what the needed methods and instruments to achieve the ideal Islamic politicsare. In this case, the debate on the formalization and substance of Islamic teaching is related to therunning formal political institution.Each group claims itself to be the most representative to the ideal Islam that often leads to anescalating conflict. On the other hand thr arguments of both groups does not reach the wholeMuslims. As a result, the discourse of Islam and state seems to be elitist and political. As a result,Both groups suspect each other each other and try to utilize the controversy on the relationshipbetween Islam and state to get their own benefit which has no relation with the actualization ofIslamic teaching.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
putri asifa ◽  
Hade Afriansyah

This article discusses the administration of school and community relation. The existence of schools is driven by the needs of the community, because educational responsibilities are governed by the responsibilities of the community, family, and government. Based on these relationships, the relationship is always enhanced. But something is seen. Changes in nature, goals, and methods of teaching relationships. On the other hand, the community also demands the change in education. In Indonesia, the relationship between schools and the community has been established. This is good progress.Therefore, Husemas is a process of communication between schools and the community to increase community understanding of educational needs and activities and encourage community interest and cooperation in school improvement and development.


2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.


1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Williams

The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize andconcientizar1rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 681-693
Author(s):  
Ariel Furstenberg

AbstractThis article proposes to narrow the gap between the space of reasons and the space of causes. By articulating the standard phenomenology of reasons and causes, we investigate the cases in which the clear-cut divide between reasons and causes starts to break down. Thus, substituting the simple picture of the relationship between the space of reasons and the space of causes with an inverted and complex one, in which reasons can have a causal-like phenomenology and causes can have a reason-like phenomenology. This is attained by focusing on “swift reasoned actions” on the one hand, and on “causal noisy brain mechanisms” on the other hand. In the final part of the article, I show how an analogous move, that of narrowing the gap between one’s normative framework and the space of reasons, can be seen as an extension of narrowing the gap between the space of causes and the space of reasons.


2010 ◽  
Vol 26-28 ◽  
pp. 862-869
Author(s):  
Tao Peng ◽  
Zhi Peng Li ◽  
Chang Shu Zhan ◽  
Xiang Luo ◽  
Qian Wang

Through analyzing the process of brake, a dynamic model of automobile and a model of the relationship between braking distance and adhesion coefficient were formed; also a simulation calculating model of braking distance was established with the use of Matlab. Finally, a research was done toward the braking distance of a type of a car running on a road after using snow-melting agent. On one hand, with the application of the simulation model which has been established, calculations have been done to the braking distance of Bora vehicles running on roads after using deicing salt; on the other hand, by experiments, Bora vehicles’ braking distance and maximum braking deceleration under the same road condition were measured, meanwhile, the established simulation model was verified.


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