Epilogue

Author(s):  
Damion L. Thomas

This concluding chapter explores the continued usage of sports as a U.S. foreign policy tool after the Mexico City Olympic protests. The United States as well as other global powers continued to utilize sport as a means to solidify friendships, antagonize rivals, and advance claims about the viability of their political, social, and economic systems. Two of the most widely used tactics to express displeasure with other nations were boycotts and the denial of visas for potential competitors. Conversely, sport continued to be viewed as a means to initiate and foster positive relationships. In this regard, some of the most widely employed strategies included sports exchanges, training assistance, and facility construction. Hence, sport remained a venue through which nations articulated political alliances, battleground issues, and counternarratives that frequently went unnoticed by the general public when expressed through traditional diplomatic channels.

2019 ◽  
pp. 197-214
Author(s):  
C. Christine Fair

Given Pakistan's strategic commitments and the risk aversion of policy-makers in the United States and India, what options exist for these states to deal with LeT specifically, or more generally, the problem of Pakistan's reliance upon terrorism as a key foreign policy tool? Admittedly, the options are few and not without risk. In this chapter, I lay out three broad sets of options: maintain the status quo; manage the narrow problem of LeT through enhanced counter-terrorism efforts and leadership decapitation; and develop a new complement of compellent policies to undermine Pakistan's heretofore successful nuclear coercion strategy. India cannot compel Pakistan to cease and desist from using terrorism as a tool of policy on its own; rather, the United States will have to assume the heaviest burden in this effort. However, there is important--if limited--space for Indian action even if the United States, per its historical record, declines to pursue this course of action


2019 ◽  
pp. 243-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amnon Cavari ◽  
Guy Freedman

A rich body of work examines the public agenda in democratic countries. These studies rely on aggregate responses to survey questions that ask respondents to report their issue priorities—commonly using topline data of the most important problem survey series (MIP). This research design, however, is not sensitive to differences in issue priorities between individuals and groups and, therefore, fails to account for the possible variation within the general public. To overcome this neglect in existing literature, we examine individual-level responses to the most important problem question in two countries—the United States and Israel—focusing specifically on economic and foreign policy priorities. We reveal that beyond aggregate trends in the public agenda, socio-demographic factors in both countries explain some of the variation in issue dynamics.


Author(s):  
Illya Gavrylevko

The paper deals with public and cultural diplomacy of the United States, which are regarded as a specific foreign policy tool. The author traces back the introduction of such practice by the United States and its evolution, and also distinguishes their features. Special attention is being paid to the issue of effectiveness of the U.S. public and cultural diplomacy.


Author(s):  
Natal'ya B. Pomozova ◽  

The article attempts to trace some features of the China diplomatic strategy in the context of the global confrontation between the United States and the PRC. Diplomacy is an essential foreign policy tool of any state. In the era of mass media and communication, diplomatic agents face new realities, while their role in implementing the foreign policy strategy is increasing due to the relevance of a new type of confrontation – the information and hybrid wars. Traditionally, the United States remained the leader in the number of diplomatic missions abroad; however, in 2019 China was ahead of its main competitor in that respect. The geographical choice in opening new diplomatic missionsis an indicator ofthe country’sforeign policy priorities. Thus,the work of the new Chinese embassies helped to reduce the number of countries recognizing the Republic of Taiwan down to 15. An analysis of the personnel policy regarding the heads of the diplomatic missions of the PRC in the “key” areas has revealed some features that affect the working style of the ambassadors. The factor of strengthening the influence of the PRC in reputable international organizations through its diplomatic agents, which has traditionally been the prerogative of the United States, also demonstrates the offensive ambitions of China’s foreign policy strategy.


Author(s):  
Dan Reiter

International actors sometimes force targeted states to change their governments, a process known as Foreign-Imposed Regime Change (FIRC). This foreign policy tool serves as a surprisingly active locus for several theoretical debates in international relations and comparative politics. On the international relations side, evaluation of FIRC as a policy tool has implications for the following debates: whether foreign policy decisions are affected by individual leaders or are determined by structural conditions; whether democracies are more peaceful in their relations with other states; how belligerents choose their war aims; what factors make for successful military occupation; what motivates states to go on ideological crusades; whether international actors can successfully install democracy in postconflict settings; determinants of international trade; and others. On the comparative politics side, FIRC speaks to what may be the two most important questions in all of comparative politics: what factors help a state maintain internal order, and what factors help a state make the transition to democracy? FIRC also plays an absolutely central role in foreign policy debates, especially for the United States. FIRC is arguably responsible for both the greatest success in the history of American foreign policy, the post-1945 pacification of Germany and Japan, and one of the greatest disasters in U.S. foreign policy history, the 2003 invasion of Iraq and its catastrophic aftermath. Further, FIRC has played a ubiquitous role in American foreign policy since America’s emergence as a great power, as the United States has frequently used both overt and covert means to impose regime change in other countries, especially in Latin America. FIRC has also been a tool used by other major powers, especially the Soviet Union after 1945 in Eastern Europe and elsewhere. Into the second decade of the 21st century FIRC remains a controversial foreign policy tool, as some debate the wisdom of pursuing FIRC in Libya in 2011, and others consider the possibility of pursuing FIRC in countries such as Syria. FIRC can be discussed as a theoretical phenomenon and as the subject of empirical research, focusing on its nature, causes, and effects. The article contains five sections. The first section discusses the definition and frequency of FIRC. The second section describes the causes of FIRC, why actors sometimes seek to impose regime change on other states. The third section covers the international consequences of FIRC, especially whether FIRC reduces conflict between states. The fourth section addresses the domestic consequences of FIRC, especially whether FIRC is usually followed by stability and/or democracy. The final section concludes.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 261-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Clinton

Throughout his writings, Harold Nicolson advocates a distinction between ‘policy’ (to be subject to democratic control) and ‘negotiation’ (to remain the province of professional diplomatists), preferring to separate these two quite different activities, rather than lumping them together under the general term ‘diplomacy’ (an intermingling that he found conceptually muddled and politically impossible to sustain once general public opinion becomes politically mobilized). Nicholas Murray Butler and George Kennan, who may be taken as representing idealist and realist American opinion in the twentieth century, found themselves at one in rejecting Nicolson’s distinction. Butler believed that the progressive enlightenment of public opinion, resulting in the attainment of the ‘international mind’, would improve both the formulation of policy and the conduct of negotiations; Kennan deprecated public opinion, at least in the United States, as irredeemably clumsy and ill-informed, and was convinced that this domestic political force would not be satisfied with directing policy, but would insist on interfering with negotiation as well. Across the board, American opinion seems to be hostile to Nicolson’s differentiation. This rejection of Nicolson’s view illustrates a more general influence of distinctively American thinking about international relations on American attitudes towards, and expectations of, diplomacy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (72) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luz Carregha Lamadrid

En el artículo se aborda el conflicto surgido en 1885, cuando el general Justo Rufino Barrios, presidente de Guatemala, proclamó de manera unilateral la Unión de Repúblicas Centroamericanas, y aseguró que la establecería aun por la vía armada. También se examina la postura del gobierno mexicano ante el conflicto que estalló y obligó a mirar a la frontera sur, a partir de las notas de los periódicos principales que circulaban entonces en la Ciudad de México, lo que permite también conocer la respuesta de la opinión pública de la época. El objetivo es explorar la política exterior del gobierno mexicano frente a un evento, que adquirió mayor relevancia cuando se extendió el temor de una posible intervención de Estados Unidos en el territorio nacional. Los hallazgos muestran que la reacción del general Porfirio Díaz ante el conflicto centroamericano contribuyó al fortalecimiento de su figura como “héroe de la paz”, que lo caracterizó.Looking at the South without losing sight of the North. Mexico vis-à-vis the Union of Central American Republics, 1885this article deals with the conflict arising in 1885, when General Justo Rufino Barrios, president of Guatemala, proclaimed unilaterally the Union of Central American Republics, assuring its establishment even by armed means. Also, based on news items from the main newspapers circulating in Mexico City, which allows to know the response of public opinion of the time, it examines the Mexican government’s position on the conflict that broke out and was an imperative to have a look at the southern border. The aim is to explore Mexican government’s foreign policy vis-à-vis an event that became more relevant when fears of a possible intervention of the United States in the national territory spread. The findings show that General Porfirio Diaz’s reaction to the Central American conflict contributed to the enhancement of his reputation as “a peace hero”.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles A. Rarick

When mentioning free trade the topic of economic sanctions is seldom mentioned. However, governments of the developed world, especially the United States, have used economic sanctions as a foreign policy tool to compel other countries to change their behavior. The increasing use of economic sanctions as a form of foreign policy is not without cost, however, and that cost is borne by citizens of sanctioned countries and businesses who find international markets closed to them, either entirely or in part. In addition, consumers pay a price through less choice and higher prices. Economic sanctions are barriers to free trade and interfere with the free flow of goods and services. This case examines the current state of economic sanctions imposed by the United States and explores sanctions imposed on Cuba, Myanmar and Iran; three heavily sanctioned countries which recently have experienced a change in U.S. foreign policy action, yet still suffer from trade restrictions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


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