scholarly journals Economic Sanctions: Astute Policy or Just another Barrier to Free Trade?

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles A. Rarick

When mentioning free trade the topic of economic sanctions is seldom mentioned. However, governments of the developed world, especially the United States, have used economic sanctions as a foreign policy tool to compel other countries to change their behavior. The increasing use of economic sanctions as a form of foreign policy is not without cost, however, and that cost is borne by citizens of sanctioned countries and businesses who find international markets closed to them, either entirely or in part. In addition, consumers pay a price through less choice and higher prices. Economic sanctions are barriers to free trade and interfere with the free flow of goods and services. This case examines the current state of economic sanctions imposed by the United States and explores sanctions imposed on Cuba, Myanmar and Iran; three heavily sanctioned countries which recently have experienced a change in U.S. foreign policy action, yet still suffer from trade restrictions.

2020 ◽  
pp. 35-39
Author(s):  
Andrei Martynov ◽  
Sergey Asaturov

The European Union has met Donald Trump's presidency in a crisis, caused by Britain's exit, quarrels over migration policy and prospects for European integration. Trump has abandoned a project to create a transatlantic free trade area. He demanded a one-sided trade advantage for the United States. The rejection of the liberal project of multilateral foreign policy contributed to the deepening of contradictions between the EU and the US in the field of trade, environment, the regime of international disarmament treaties, the algorithm for resolving regional conflicts. The Trump era in US foreign policy was a time of abandoning liberal globalism. But it is impossible to realize this task in one cadence. The question is whether it is possible for Democrats to fully restore liberal globalism in equal cooperation with the European Union.Trump has abandoned the project of a transatlantic free trade area between the United States and the European Union. This shocked the European elites. Differences in approaches to world trade contributed to the coolness. The European Union is promoting a liberal approach. Trump insisted on the priority of the patronage of American interests. As a result, the tradition of relationships has suffered. Until 2017, the United States bought European goods and paid the most to the NATO budget. Trump demanded trade parity and more European funding for NATO. European elites perceived Trump's approach to migration issues as unacceptable. Trump's policy on international conflicts has become another reason for mutual misunderstanding. Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and helped establish diplomatic relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. This has become a challenge for the European Union's Middle East policy.


2019 ◽  
pp. 197-214
Author(s):  
C. Christine Fair

Given Pakistan's strategic commitments and the risk aversion of policy-makers in the United States and India, what options exist for these states to deal with LeT specifically, or more generally, the problem of Pakistan's reliance upon terrorism as a key foreign policy tool? Admittedly, the options are few and not without risk. In this chapter, I lay out three broad sets of options: maintain the status quo; manage the narrow problem of LeT through enhanced counter-terrorism efforts and leadership decapitation; and develop a new complement of compellent policies to undermine Pakistan's heretofore successful nuclear coercion strategy. India cannot compel Pakistan to cease and desist from using terrorism as a tool of policy on its own; rather, the United States will have to assume the heaviest burden in this effort. However, there is important--if limited--space for Indian action even if the United States, per its historical record, declines to pursue this course of action


Author(s):  
David L. Hostetter

American activists who challenged South African apartheid during the Cold War era extended their opposition to racial discrimination in the United States into world politics. US antiapartheid organizations worked in solidarity with forces struggling against the racist regime in South Africa and played a significant role in the global antiapartheid movement. More than four decades of organizing preceded the legislative showdown of 1986, when a bipartisan coalition in Congress overrode President Ronald Reagan’s veto, to enact economic sanctions against the apartheid regime in South Africa. Adoption of sanctions by the United States, along with transnational solidarity with the resistance to apartheid by South Africans, helped prompt the apartheid regime to relinquish power and allow the democratic elections that brought Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress to power in 1994. Drawing on the tactics, strategies and moral authority of the civil rights movement, antiapartheid campaigners mobilized public opinion while increasing African American influence in the formulation of US foreign policy. Long-lasting organizations such as the American Committee on Africa and TransAfrica called for boycotts and divestment while lobbying for economic sanctions. Utilizing tactics such as rallies, demonstrations, and nonviolent civil disobedience actions, antiapartheid activists made their voices heard on college campuses, corporate boardrooms, municipal and state governments, as well as the halls of Congress. Cultural expressions of criticism and resistance served to reinforce public sentiment against apartheid. Novels, plays, movies, and music provided a way for Americans to connect to the struggles of those suffering under apartheid. By extending the moral logic of the movement for African American civil rights, American anti-apartheid activists created a multicultural coalition that brought about institutional and governmental divestment from apartheid, prompted Congress to impose economic sanctions on South Africa, and increased the influence of African Americans regarding issues of race and American foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Illya Gavrylevko

The paper deals with public and cultural diplomacy of the United States, which are regarded as a specific foreign policy tool. The author traces back the introduction of such practice by the United States and its evolution, and also distinguishes their features. Special attention is being paid to the issue of effectiveness of the U.S. public and cultural diplomacy.


Author(s):  
Damion L. Thomas

This concluding chapter explores the continued usage of sports as a U.S. foreign policy tool after the Mexico City Olympic protests. The United States as well as other global powers continued to utilize sport as a means to solidify friendships, antagonize rivals, and advance claims about the viability of their political, social, and economic systems. Two of the most widely used tactics to express displeasure with other nations were boycotts and the denial of visas for potential competitors. Conversely, sport continued to be viewed as a means to initiate and foster positive relationships. In this regard, some of the most widely employed strategies included sports exchanges, training assistance, and facility construction. Hence, sport remained a venue through which nations articulated political alliances, battleground issues, and counternarratives that frequently went unnoticed by the general public when expressed through traditional diplomatic channels.


Author(s):  
Natal'ya B. Pomozova ◽  

The article attempts to trace some features of the China diplomatic strategy in the context of the global confrontation between the United States and the PRC. Diplomacy is an essential foreign policy tool of any state. In the era of mass media and communication, diplomatic agents face new realities, while their role in implementing the foreign policy strategy is increasing due to the relevance of a new type of confrontation – the information and hybrid wars. Traditionally, the United States remained the leader in the number of diplomatic missions abroad; however, in 2019 China was ahead of its main competitor in that respect. The geographical choice in opening new diplomatic missionsis an indicator ofthe country’sforeign policy priorities. Thus,the work of the new Chinese embassies helped to reduce the number of countries recognizing the Republic of Taiwan down to 15. An analysis of the personnel policy regarding the heads of the diplomatic missions of the PRC in the “key” areas has revealed some features that affect the working style of the ambassadors. The factor of strengthening the influence of the PRC in reputable international organizations through its diplomatic agents, which has traditionally been the prerogative of the United States, also demonstrates the offensive ambitions of China’s foreign policy strategy.


1970 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 334-358
Author(s):  
M. Raquibuzzaman

In recent years, it has been emphasized by many economists that the less developed countries cannot achieve self-sustaining economic growth unless they are given fair opportunities to sell their exportables in the world market. It is argued that the less developed countries are losing potential investment resources as a result of trade restrictions imposed by the developed countries on primary commodities. Sugar provides an example of a commodity whose free entry into world trade has been restricted by the United States and most of the developed countries of Europe. Sugar is the principle earner of foreign exchange for many developing countries. A decrease in the quantity of exports or a fall in the price has an important impact on the overall development of their economies. In recent years, the world production of centrifugal sugar has ranged between 64 and 66 million metric tons of raw sugar. Of this total production, Europe's share ranged from 23 to 24 million tons, or approximately 36 per cent. The United States, including Hawaii, produced approximately 5 million tons. Thus, nearly 50 per cent of world sugar production comes from the developed countries.


Author(s):  
Dan Reiter

International actors sometimes force targeted states to change their governments, a process known as Foreign-Imposed Regime Change (FIRC). This foreign policy tool serves as a surprisingly active locus for several theoretical debates in international relations and comparative politics. On the international relations side, evaluation of FIRC as a policy tool has implications for the following debates: whether foreign policy decisions are affected by individual leaders or are determined by structural conditions; whether democracies are more peaceful in their relations with other states; how belligerents choose their war aims; what factors make for successful military occupation; what motivates states to go on ideological crusades; whether international actors can successfully install democracy in postconflict settings; determinants of international trade; and others. On the comparative politics side, FIRC speaks to what may be the two most important questions in all of comparative politics: what factors help a state maintain internal order, and what factors help a state make the transition to democracy? FIRC also plays an absolutely central role in foreign policy debates, especially for the United States. FIRC is arguably responsible for both the greatest success in the history of American foreign policy, the post-1945 pacification of Germany and Japan, and one of the greatest disasters in U.S. foreign policy history, the 2003 invasion of Iraq and its catastrophic aftermath. Further, FIRC has played a ubiquitous role in American foreign policy since America’s emergence as a great power, as the United States has frequently used both overt and covert means to impose regime change in other countries, especially in Latin America. FIRC has also been a tool used by other major powers, especially the Soviet Union after 1945 in Eastern Europe and elsewhere. Into the second decade of the 21st century FIRC remains a controversial foreign policy tool, as some debate the wisdom of pursuing FIRC in Libya in 2011, and others consider the possibility of pursuing FIRC in countries such as Syria. FIRC can be discussed as a theoretical phenomenon and as the subject of empirical research, focusing on its nature, causes, and effects. The article contains five sections. The first section discusses the definition and frequency of FIRC. The second section describes the causes of FIRC, why actors sometimes seek to impose regime change on other states. The third section covers the international consequences of FIRC, especially whether FIRC reduces conflict between states. The fourth section addresses the domestic consequences of FIRC, especially whether FIRC is usually followed by stability and/or democracy. The final section concludes.


Author(s):  
Anatoliy Khudoliy

The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
Mehdi Monadjemi ◽  
John Lodewijks

Despite all of the advantages of free trade and WTO effort to discourage trade restrictions, in July 2018, the President of the United States decided that he is going to impose tariffs on certain goods imported from China. The Chinese government retaliated by levying tariffs on goods and services imported from the United States. This trade war is opposite of the trend ininternational trade during the Post-war period. While the trade deficit figures have improved this has occurred at considerable cost. Tariffs on imported goods are a tax on domestic consumers.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document